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THE 

CAPTURE OF RICHMOND 

(1864—1865) 



« 



XOXDON: PRINTED BT 
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., >-rW-STREi;T SQCAKE 
AND PAELlAilEKT STBEEI 



HISTORY 

OF 

GKANT'S CAMPAIGN 

FOE THE 

CAPTURE OF RICHMOND 
(1864-1865) 

WITH AN OrTLINE OF THE 

PEEVIOUS COUESE OF THE AMEEICAN CIVIL WAE. 

BY 

JOHN CANNON. 



LONDON : 

LONGMANS, G K E E N, AND CO. 
1869. 



/ 



3 7 



PREFACE. 



In the following pages I have sought to give an 
accurate, clear, and impartial narrative of the campaign 
which brought to an end the American Civil War, by 
subduing Richmond, and the great general and brave 
army defending it; thereby crushing the rebellion, 
preserving the Union of the States, and accomplishing 
the abolition of slavery. 

To explain the state of affairs when General Grant, 
placed at the head of the whole army of the United 
States, began the final advance on Richmond, two or three 
introductory chapters seemed necessary. These I have 
endeavoured so to write that the reader, if he has not 
already consulted any history of the war, may yet com- 
prehend the outline of its course during the years 1861, 
1862, and 1863. 

It is hard to say that any one out of the four years of 
fighting surpasses the other in interest or importance. If 
the first is distinguished by the battle of Bull Run, and 
by the novelty of war operations to both sides, the 
second comprises half-a-dozen battles of huge slaughter, 
the first trial in fight of iron-clad vessels, and the issuing 
of the Emancipation Proclamation by President Lincoln. 
And if the third can exhibit the thrilling spectacles of 



PREFACE. 



Jackson's death at Chancellorsville, the all-important 
battle of Gettysburg, and the reduction of Vicksburg, 
and the course of the Mississippi, the fourth unfolds 
events which, after all, seem to be of supreme grandeur — 
Spottsylvania (the greatest battle of the war), Sherman's 
march (the greatest war operation), the capture of Rich- 
mond, the close of all resistance by the South, and the 
tragic assassination of President Lincoln. 

Almost all who study the great conflict will concur in 
the remark made by General Grant himself to an English 
visitor : — ^ Say what they will, this war has been the 
biggest job of its sort that has been done in this world — 
nothing like it has gone before.' * It must indeed be in- 
corporated into our history ; and since the Americans 
dwell with fondness on old English glory as in part theirs 
by descent, so may we consider with pride the manly 
bearing of the nation ice founded, whilst we pray that 
their great strife may be the last ever to arise in any por- 
tion of the Anglo-Saxon race. 

To sketch the whole in detail, and to combine a careful 
equal review of the simultaneous labours of statesman- 
ship, and the solutions effected of moral and material 
problems, I considered, after brief reflection, to be a task 
too voluminous and varied for me to venture upon 
unsupported and uncriticised. I resolved, therefore, to 
write the history of the fourth and last year of the war, 
conducted, and triumphantly concluded, by General 
Grant. 

The opening pages of this work were written when 
Grant's campaign was but two months old; when the 

Dr. Vaughan, 'Notes on the United States since the War,' British 
Quarterhj Beiievj, October 2, 1865. 



PEEFACE. 



vii 



news had just arrived of the first onset on Petersburg, 
and its result lay in the unknown future. I close it 
after a study of nearly four years, just as General Grant 
is about to commence a Presidency of the restored 
Union, from which all expect the most happy results. 

It is with great diffidence that I present this work ; for 
though the subject be of great and enduring interest, and 
thou2:h I am conscious of havino- bestowed zealous labour 
and earnest thought in searching, selecting, and weighing 
its facts, these merits may be counterbalanced by an 
unpleasing style, or other defects, involuntary and un- 
known. 

The literature and documents of the war. Northern 
and Southern, are so extensive, precise, and, on the 
whole, so fair in the statement of events (though not 
perhaps of numbers) that the historian is much encouraged 
in his efforts for accuracy. 

My acknowledgements are due to the authors of the 
many narratives of facts, and scientific or philosophical 
commentaries, which I have made use of. The references 
£it the foot of many pages to some extent express them. 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

SKETCH OF PEEVIOUS CAMPAIGNS EOE THE CAPTURE OE RICH- 
MOND 



CHAPTER I. 

SKETCH OF TBE LIFE OF GENERAL ROBERT E. LEE — HE A 
SECOND TIME INVADES MARYLAND AND PENNSYLVANIA — THE 
BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG AND OTHER SIMULTANEOUS RE- 
VERSES TO THE SOUTH — SUBSEQUENT OPERATIONS IN VIRGINIA 
DOWN TO THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR 1863 .... 



CHAPTER II. 

THE APPEARANCE, DISCIPLINE, AND CAMP LIFE OF THE ARMY 
OF THE POTOMAC, AS ESTABLISHED ON THE RAPIDAN . 



CHAPTER III. 

SEETCH OF THE LIFE OF GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT — HIS 
OPERATIONS UNDER HALLECK IN 1861-2 — THE SIEGE OF 
VICKSBURG — HIS EXPEDITION TO GET TO ITS REAR — CAPTURE 
OF VICKSBURG — HIS OPERATIONS AT CHATTANOOGA — HE IS 
NOMINATED LIEUTENANT-GENERAL, AND ASSUMES COMMAND 
OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC . . . ... 



X 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IV. 

PAGE 

THE BATTLE OF SPOTTSrLYA>'IA 135 



CHAPTER V. 

MARCH OE GEiSTEEAL GRAXT FROM SP0TTSYLYA:N^IA TO THE OrT- 
SKIETS OF RICHMOND — THE BATTLE OF COLD HARBOUR — 
MOVEMEITT THENCE TO THE SOUTH OF THE JAMES RIYER, AND 
AITACE: on PETERSBURG 178 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE THIRD CONFEDERATE INVASION OF MARYLAND AND PENN- 
SYLVANIA 217 



CHAPTER VII. 

OPERATIONS BEFORE PETERSBURG — FUTILE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 231 



CHAPTER VIII. 

OPERATIONS BEFORE PETERSRURG — EXHAUSTION OF THE SOUTH 

— DETERMINATION OF THE NORTH 246 



CHAPTER IX. 

MARCH OF GENERAL SHERMAN FROM CHATTANOOGA TO ATLANTA, 

AND FROM ATLANTA TO THE SEA 263 



CHAPTER X. 



CONQUEST OF THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY BY SHERIDAN— CLOSER 
INVESTMENT OF RICHMOND AND PETERSBURG — OVERTHROW 
OF HOOD BY THOMAS IN THE "WEST oil 



CONTENTS. 



xi 



CHAPTER XI. 

PAGE 

STATE OF APFAIRS IN THE NORTH — ADVANCE OF SHERMAN 
THROUGH THE CAROLINAS — GLOOM AND DESPONDENCY IN 
RICHMOND . 358 



CHAPTER Xn. 

DESPERATE EFFORT OF GENERAL LEE — ADVANCE OF GENERAL 

GRANT — FALL OF RICHMOND — SURRENDER OF LEE . . 404 



EPILOGUE. 



ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN — DISBANDMENT OF THE 

ARMY .457 



HISTOEY OF GKANT'S CAMPAIGN 

FOR 

THE CAPTUEE OF RICHMOND. 



1864-1865. 



INTBODUGTION. 

SKETCH OF PEEVIOUS CAMPAiaNS FOR THE CAPTURE 
OF RICHMOND. 

The third teak of the American Civil War had closed, 
and the army of the Potomac was as far as ever from the 
goal for which it had first set out in July 1861. It lay 
peacefully on the north bank of the Rapidan, sixty miles 
distant from the goal to reach which it had so often 
marched, to win which it had tramped through Virginian 
mud and crossed Virginian rivers; had endured fever 
and the heat of the Virginian summer in the swamps of 
the Chickahominy ; and had given up in battle thousands 
and tens of thousands out of its ranks ; to within sight 
of which it had once — and once only — attained. Six 
generals had commanded this great army — this great 
engine of warfare — and had worked it as unsparingly as 
if it had indeed been an immense machine, instead of a 
vast congeries of human bein2;s. It had fousjht seven 
great battles with the opponent who barred its way : five 
in attacking him, and two to repel him when, flushed with 

B 



2 



GEANT'S CAIVIPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



IxTBon. 



victory, he carried the Avar into the Northern States. 
And now as January 1864 began, it was encamped sixty 
miles from the prize for which it struggled, the lodestone 
of the American war ; the city on which, as well in Europe 
as in America, all eyes were fixed — ^Richmond — the chief 
city of Virginia and capital of 'the Confederate States of 
North America.' 

The generals who had commanded the Northern army, 
and the campaigns undertaken by it, must now be briefly 
reviewed. The advance southward of General McDowell 
begun on the 16th July 1861, at the commencement of 
the war, was brought to an abrupt conclusion by the 
memorable battle of Bull Kun, on the 21st July.* His 
routed and disorganised army took refuge in Washington, 
and anxiously expected an attack within twenty-four 
hours. The victorious Confederates did not follow up 
their good fortune by attempting to possess themselves 
of the Federal capital. They let slip what has ever since 
been cimsidered a golden opportunity, and contented 
themselves with re-occupying the country on the right 
bank of the Potomac up to the fortifications on Arlington 
Heights. 

A young general of five-and-thirty, who had been 
stationed in Western Virginia, where he had come off well 
in some petty engagements, which the New York news- 
papers magnified into great victories, was appointed to 
the command of the Northern army, in lieu of ]\I'Dowell. 
Though his reputation as a general rested solely on 
these aforesaid petty battles, he could justly claim to 
have received a thorough military education. Geo. B. 

* Bull Eun is a little river running into the Potomac. The battle was 
fought just north of the little railway junction of Manassas. M'Dowell's 
loss, according to his own admission, was 2,679. The Confederates, how- 
ever, estimated his loss at 4,500. The Confederate loss was 1,752. 



Introd. 



GENERAL M'CLELLAN, 1861. 



M'Clellan Avas born at Philadelphia in 1826. At 
the age of sixteen he entered the West Point Military 
Academy^, where among others he had as classfellows the 
famous ^ Stonewall' Jackson, and A. P. Hill, another 
lad of subsequent distinction. Both Avere to be opposed 
to him in battle in the Civil War. After a training of 
four years at West Point, M'Clellan entered the army, 
OTaduatins: as second lieutenant of Enoineers. In the 
Mexican war he was promoted to a first lieutenancy for 
gallant and meritorious conduct in the actions at Contreras 
and Cherubusco. He was also in the encounters at Molino 
del Rey and Chepultepec, and by the close of the war had 
obtained his captaincy (1848). Stationed at West Point 
again, as a director of field labours and infantry instructor, 
he continued industriously studying the theoretical parts 
of the art of war, and his Manual for the Army, and his 
Introduction to the Bayonet Exercise, gave proof of liis 
devotion to his profession. Soon after we find him 
superintending the erection of Fort Delaware ; anon 
exploring the Red River ; next ordered to Texas, and 
then commanding a survey for the western division of 
the Pacific Railroad (1852). lie was for a short time in 
the West Indies, on secret service. To complete his 
varied experience of things military, the young soldier 
was to contrast with the free-and-easy warfare he had 
seen in Mexico, and the adroit but rough engineering 
of his countrymen, the tradition-governed tactics of 
European armies, their strict discipline, and their manner 
of conducting siege operations for the capture of a fortified 
city. Appointed one of the United States Military Com- 
mission to the Crimea during the Russian war of 1855, 
Captain M'Clellan, from the camp of the allied armies of 
France and England, saw out the remarkable siege of Sebas- 
topol. On his return to America, at the close of the war, he 

B 2 



4 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ixteod. 



published tlie result of his observations in a work on the 
Organisation and Conduct of European Armies.* 

A year or two later, promotion being slow in the United 
States army, and seeing no prospect of any active military 
occupation, he resigned his commission and undertook the 
management of two of the great Western Railways. For 
three years he was Vice-President of the Illinois Central 
Railway Company, and in the beginning of 1861 was 
General Superintendent of the Ohio and Mississippi, 
Avhen the outbreak of the rebellion gave him the oppor- 
tunity of an active military command which, influenced 
by his predilection for his old profession, he at once ac- 
cepted.! 

In person General jM'Clellan was of medium stature, 
but square build, well knit together, and capable of en- 
durino' fatiofue. His features indicated o^reat self-reliance, 
combined with a courteous and unobtrusive nature. His 
complexion was fair, his hair light brown, and his mous- 
tache and chin -tuft quite light. The photographs of him, 
which abounded in the years 1861-62, must have given 
many persons an erroneous impression through their one 
deficiency, that of colour. 

General M^Clellan arrived in Washington on July 26, 
and set earnestly to work to re-organise the army of the 
Potomac. It was a task of no ordinary difficulty. What 
was little better than a vast mob of civilians masquerading 
as soldiers when it left Washington, on the week's cam- 
paign which terminated at Bull Run, was now further 
demoralised by defeat. M^Clellan did his work well. He 
reformed the organisation of the army ; by daily drill and 
frequent reviews he trained the raw civilian volunteers 

* Eepiiblished at Philadelphia in 1861. It contains some sharp criticism 
on the operations before Sebastopol. 

t Life and Campaigns of General M'Clellan (Philadelphia, 1864). 



FEDERAL ARMY REFORMED. 



5 



into a soldier-like appearance ; and he enforced a stricter 
supervision over the officers, who could no longer lounge 
about the streets of Washington, and throng the hotels 
and bar-rooms, as had been their wont. The army re- 
covered confidence in itself, and felt confidence in its 
leader ; and within three months after the stinging defeat 
of Bull Run the populace of the North was congratulating 
itself on- the numbers, the good equipment, the discipline, 
and the presumed efficiency of its magnificent army. Loud 
were the praises of the general who had done all this ; he 
was at once proclaimed to the world as the great military 
genius of America. The ' New York Herald' pronounced 
him a ^ young Napoleon,' who would soon smash up the 
Kebels in ' the coming Waterloo ' in Yirginia. And, on 
the resignation of the aged General Scott, on November 1 , 
George B. M^Clellan found himself appointed Comman- 
der-in-Chief of the armies of the United States. 

Since the battle of Bull Run the Confederates had 
not once assumed the offensive, and General M^Clellan 
was in no hurry to commence hostilities. For seven 
months the two armies confronted each other on the lines 
of the Potomac. With the spring of 1862 came the first 
indications that the war would go on in earnest — that the 
Northern army would advance into the territory of the 
South. In the month of January a Federal victory, in 
the battle of Mill Spring, Kentucky, proved the forerun- 
ner of a series of successes which redeemed Kentucky and 
carried the Union flag to the south of Tennessee. In the 
beginning of March M'Clellan was undoubtedly matur- 
ing his plans for an advance, when the sudden falling back 
of the Confederate forces gave him the opportunity for 
an immediate forward movement. 

On March 10 General M'Clellan led his army out of 
Washington. Without a shot being fired they marched 



G 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ixteod. 



to and beyond Bull Run. They encamped about Manassas 
and Centreville, points where the contest had gone on. 
M'Dowell was present — now as a subordinate general — 
and we read, with a feeling of respect, that he shed tears 
as he gazed on the spot where so many of his men had 
fallen. American generals had not yet become familiar- 
ised to days of Avholesale slaughter. During the half 
year's training a good commissariat had been instituted 
by the Xorthern War Department, and the troops liad 
with them supplies and stores in abundance. This was a 
matter of some importance, for the country was desolate, 
and the retreating Confederates had carried off with them, 
or carefully destroyed, all their materiel and all their camp 
appurtenances. Yet what were those pieces surmounting 
the fortifications over which the Federals could now ramble 
at will ? It was vvith rag;e and vexation that the officers 
surveyed these trophies which the Confederates had left 
for them, for these guns which had frowned on them so 
long were wooden ojies.* 

The retreating Confederates were neither routed nor 
in any way demoralised, as New York newspapers had 
asserted on the receipt of the news of the evacuation of 
their position in front of Washington. Knowing that 
M'Clellan's advance must come soon, their generals had 
merely drawn them back to a stronger position, and they 
were now entrenched on the south bank of the river 
Rappahannock. To carry this position — and successful in 
that, to march some sixty miles, crossing several smaller 
rivers — was the direct road to Richmond. But General 
M'^Clellan had not seriously thought of taking this route. 
Tie resolved on a plan which he had probably carefully 

The Prince de Joinville says that M'Clellan knew for a long time that 
the enemy had wooden cannon mounted, hut his army was not mature, and 
the roads were unfit for an advance. — Cam^pagne du Potomac, p. 42. 



IxTEOD. OPENINa OF M'CLELLAN'S CAMPAIGN. 7 

studied whilst lying in Washington. By a reference to 
the map it will be seen that the city of Richmond stands 
upon a bend of the James river, eighty miles above its 
fall into the sea, or rather into the broad estuary of 
Hampton Roads, which, merging with the extreme south 
of the great Chesapeake Bay, is even then twenty miles 
from the ocean proper. Between the mouths of the 
Potomac and the James, two other great rivers, with 
similar wide mouths, issue into the Bay. The one most to 
the north is the Rappahannock, which has just been spoken 
of. The southern, and consequently the nearest to the 
James, is the York River. Between the James and this 
latter, whose mouth is fifteen miles to the north of Hamp- 
ton Roads, is the Yorktown peninsula, formed by the 
near approach of the two rivers before they join the Bay. 
At the extreme point seawards of this peninsula is Fortress 
Monroe, which, garrisoned by the United States Govern- 
ment troops at the outbreak of the rebellion, had been 
retained by the Federals all through the Avar. It was this 
peninsula that M'Clellan determined to make his basis 
for operating against Richmond. The army of the Poto- 
mac was moved from Manassas close up to the river, 
and within ten days, from March 20 to the beginning of 
April, the bulk of the army was quietly transported down 
the wide Potomac, and the sea-like Chesapeake Bay, to 
a landing in the vicinity of Fortress Monroe. A large 
force being left at Manassas, under Generals Banks and 
McDowell, to control the Confederate line of the Rap- 
pahannock, General M^Clellan himself at length departed, 
and was with his troops by the first days of April. Ere 
he started, an order of President Lincoln relieved him of 
the general command of the United States' Armies. 

With an enormous army, estimated at 100,000 men, 
with a numerous and powerful body of artillery, about 350 



8 



GEANT'S C.-UIPAIGN AGAINST EICH3I0XD. LxiRor. 



pieces altogether, and supported by gunboats, General 
M'Clellan set forward for Eichmond, A march of 
twelve miles brought him to the first obstacle to his pro- 
gress. Tliis was Yorktown, situated on the isthmus 
l^etween the rivers York and James. The Confederates 
had thrown up entrenchments right across the isthmus, 
which is about six miles wide. These were actually of 
little strength, and a European general would not have 
spent much shot and shell over them before ordering an 
assault. General M^Clellan instituted a siege, and for 
well nigh a month amused himself by besieging York- 
town, by entrenching and reconnoitring, skirmishing, and 
practising his artillery on the fortifications. So pleased 
seems he to have been with this dilettante warfare, 
that it is impossible to say how long he might not 
have remained without attacking the place, had not the 
Confederates a second time politely opened the door for 
him.'^ They had augmented their forces, and it was 
probably their settled design to draw the Federal army 
on towards Richmond, and give battle on their own ground. 
During May 2 and 3 they quietly evacuated Yorktown, 
and left General M^Clellan free to resume his march. 
After an engagement on the 5th, well sustained on both 
sides, they withdrew from Williamsburg, which General 
M^Clellan occupied the next day. The Confederates 
retreating in perfect order as he advanced, he bore to the 
north of the Chickahominy, and marched with his main 
army to Cumberland on the Pamunkey river, which flows 

* Looking over the newspapers of tlie last few days preceding the 
evacuation, we do indeed find this eminently luminous report of progress — ^ 
to come. Says the Associated Press dispatch from Yorktown, April 29th : 
' The time is drawing near when the commanding general will commence 
the task of reducing the enemy's works, erected to impede the advance of 
the Union forces.' Wliat, then, had he been about during the three weeks 
before this, that he was now only going to ' commence the task' ? 



YORKTOA^^ TO EICHMOND. 



9 



into the York, wliilst a division of 16,000 men, under 
General Franklin, ascended the York in transports, 
and, supported by gunboats, took possession of lYest 
Point, where, ten miles from Cumberland, they formed 
M'Clellan's rear. Cautiously and slowly M-Clellan moved 
along the south bank of the Pamunkey, and by the 21st 
his advance-guard had come up to the Chickahominy 
river, and Kichmond was in sight. Something else, too, 
was in sight — the pickets of the Confederate army. For 
Richmond was now but ten miles ofP, and if the Rebels 
were going to make a stand, it must be here, and at once. 
So said the Xew York press. 

"Whilst General M^Clellan was thus drawins: near to 
Richmond events had taken place far off in the north, and 
near to him in the south, which materially affected his 
position. Xaval operations Avere going on in the James 
which might prove of assistance to him ; and aid which he 
calculated upon, or at least hoped for, from the line of 
the Potomac, was turned aside. 

The evacuation of Yorktown by the Confederates 
necessitated also. their withdrawal from the Government 
seaport of Norfolk, on the southern side of Hampton 
Roads. This accordingly was done, and the place vras 
occupied by Federal troops from Fortress Monroe on 
May 10. The famous 'Merrimac,' which ever since her 
one glorious day of battle on March 8 had lam idly but 
usefully guarding the entrance to Hampton Roads — use- ^ 
fully, for it monopolised the attention of the Federal fleet 
off Fortress Monroe — was abandoned and bloA\Ti up in 
the early morning of the 11th, and thus the James river 
w^as open to their vessels. The Federal ironclads. 
Monitor, Xangatuck, and Galena, with other vessels, 
immediately passed into Hampton Roads, and steamed 
up the James, in hopes of making their way right up to 



10 



GRANT'S CAjMPAIGN AG.IINST EICmiOND. Inteod. 



Kiclimond. But their progress was arrested on the 15th 
by Fort Darling, on a bend of the river eight miles below 
that city. From the batteries of this fort, situated on a 
high bluff 200 feet above the water surface, they were 
subjected to a heavy fire, which they could not reply to 
effectively, and after sustaining considerable damage they 
were obliged to return down the river. 

Thus, though the gunboats could not get near to 
Richmond, they had possession of the river to this point, 
only eight miles below it, and had M'Clellan's line of 
march been by the side of the James, a combined attack 
by the gunboats and the troops would probably have 
given him possession of this fort, and he would have 
marched side by side mth them on to Richmond. As 
it was, the River Chickahominy, the Confederate army, 
and Fort Darllno^, were between him and the 2:unboats. 
But General M^Clellan had not chosen his more nor- 
therly route by the Pamunkey without a reason. Fifty 
miles to the north, on the River Rappahannock, whence, 
as we have seen, he had brought his army, there yet 
remained a large Federal force under the command of 
General McDowell. The exact number is not easily 
ascertained, but it was probably at least 25,000 men. 
This army lay strangely inactive. There was not any 
considerable Confederate force to oppose it, and General 
M'Clellan calculated on its immediate advance and junc- 
tion with his army in front of Richmond. For this pur- 
pose troops were withdra^^Ti from another of the Federal 
armies, stationed more to the west, and it seemed to be 
reallv froins^ to M^Clellan's aid."^ On May 26 General 
McDowell advanced six miles to the south of the Rappa- 
hannock. The next day he hurried twenty miles to the 

* Cam'pagne du Potoonac, p. 138. Edge, IStCldlan and the YorJctown 
Campaign (London, 1865). Schalk, Campaigns of 1862 and 1863 (Phila- 
delpliia, 1863). 



IXTKOD. 



3I-CLELLAN'S PLAXS THT\^AETED. 



11 



rear^ where his army was wanted for the defence of 
Washington. This cnrions state of affairs came on thns. 
The army from which M'Dowell had dra^^ii his rein- 
forcements was that of General Banks, situated in the 
y alley of the Shenandoah River, on the western side of 
the Blue Bido-e — that wonderful rano^e of mountains 
Avhich stretches diagonally through the centre of Vir- 
ginia. This army had for some time been reported as 
dri%'ino^ the * Rebels ' down the whole leno;th of the 
valley, insomuch that at the close of the month of April 
the ^ Bebel ' forces, whose general was said to be one 
Jackson or Johnson (the newspaper correspondents were 
uncertain wliich Avas the name), and who was in truth 
the great commander soon after so well known and so 
famous as Stonewall Jackson, were reported to have fled 
to the east of the Blue Bidge. That general was. in 
fact only waiting his opportunity. The ill-advised with- 
drawal of a portion of the Federal general's forces gave 
it to him. On Friday, May 23, Jackson's cavalry fell 
like a thunderbolt on the Federal outpost at Front 
Boyal, a village in the head of the valley, and about 
sixty miles due west of Washington. The almost entire 
destruction or capture of this outlying detachment gave 
warning to the main body under General Banks himself, 
lying at Strasburg, twelve miles off, and he prepared in 
haste for flight. The next day was a race northward to 
Winchester, a distance of twenty-two miles. Four several 
times during the day the Confederates came up vath 
General Banks' rear-guard, and cut it up terribly. At 
daybreak on the 25th he was again assailed, driven in 
disorder from Winchester, and forced to perform a march 
of thirty miles the same day, harassed by Jackson's 
cavalry all the while, till he could get to safety at 
Williamsport, on the north bank of the Potomac. 



12 



GEANT'S C.llVIPAIGN AGAINST RICmiOND. Ixtrod. 



But Washington was in no real danger, and General 
Jackson knew very well that he could not maintain the 
position he had gained, even had such been his intention. 
On the contrary, having routed Banks' army, gained 
stores, arms, and prisoners, and put the Northern states- 
men in a flutter for a few hours, he was now intent on 
making his way down the Shenandoah valley again as 
rapidly as he had emerged from it. McDowell, whose 
troops, as we have seen, should have been marching to 
the aid of M'Clellan, had sent General Shields with 
15,000 men to Manassas, en route to oppose him, and 
from the west of Virginia another of the too scattered 
armies of the North — that of General Fremont — was 
coming up. Exactly a week after the fiery expulsion 
of Banks, General Jackson passed through Winchester 
again ; mth consummate skill he eluded coming to blows 
with Shields and Fremont, who, arriving from opposite 
points, were now joining their forces at Strasburg, and, 
complete master of the situation, he took his way down 
the valley. Of course he drew the two Federal gene- 
rals after him; but, blind to the dangers of the chase 
they were engaged in, they separated their forces, and 
came on in tracks slightly apart. On June 6 General 
Fremont found himself close on Jackson's rear-guard, 
which was marching out of Harrisonburg, a town in the 
foot of the valley. A regiment of cavahy, which was 
sent on four miles to reconnoitre, fell into an ambuscade 
of J ackson's posted in the woods, and suffered great loss, 
nearly all its officers being shot down. On the 8th 
Jackson, who had received reinforcements, turned and 
gave battle, inflicting heavy loss on Fremont's army ; and 
on the next morning, having moved off during the night, 
he fell with fury on Shield's division, which was coming 
up by the side of the Shenandoah River. 



Introd, 



STONEWALL JACKSON. 



13 



The two Federal armies thus routed in detail fell back 
towards Strasburg, and after watching them for a few 
days, Stonewall J ackson went over the Blue Eidge and 
on his way to Richmond, to participate in fresh victories 
and to gain fresh laurels.^ 

Who was Jackson ? and why had he this cognomen of 
Stonewall ? Jackson was a tall, quiet, serious Virginian, 
who had been educated at West Point, and had served 
in Mexico with great credit — would, likely enough, have 
then made himself a name, had the Mexican war lasted a 
little longer. After that was over he became a Professor 
in the military college at Lexington, in the Shenandoah 
or Virginia Valley, and filled that post for ten years. 
He took up arms in 1861, from a feeling of devotion to 
his State. At Bull Pun a Confederate officer, watching his 
firm bearing, exclaimed ' Look at Jackson there, standing 
like a stone loall,^ and the epithet was taken up by every- 
body ever after. His great principle for Vvar operations 
was ' Mystery.' His soldiers were taught to answer 
* Don't know ' to any question of military plans or infor- 
mation. On the march he would sometimes pitch his 
camp at four cross roads, and often he would hurry his 
men along at the double-quick to meet an imaginary foe. 

We left General M^Clellan and his army on the left 
bank of the river Chickahominy. Up to his arrival there 
all had gone well and smoothly with the young com- 
mander. So well and smoothly indeed, that people were 
condoling with the ^ Young Napoleon ' in that he had not 
yet had the opportunity of any engagement for displaying 
his military genius. He was not destined to wait for this 
much longer. 

Peconstructing the bridges called Bottcm's, the Rail- 

* New York newspapers. Duniell's Life of Stonewall Jackson (New 
York, 1863). 



14 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ixtrod. 



way, and the New, which, crossing the river at three 
points in a length of about fifteen miles, had been broken 
down by the Confederates, General M'Clellan cautiously 
transferred a portion of his forces to the south bank whilst, 
extending his right wing further to the north, he took 
possession of Hanover Court House. This was done on 
the 24th, 25th, and 26th of May. The line of his army 
was now spread over a distance of twenty miles, and its 
forefront — the division transferred to the south bank, 
which was under the immediate command of General 
Silas Casey — was less than five miles distant from Rich- 
mond. At midday of the 31st, taking advantage of a 
heavy thunder-storm which had swollen the river and 
injured some of the bridges, the Confederates in great 
force made a \dgorous attack on this division on the field 
of Fair Oaks. Undaunted by the play of the Federal 
artillery, they forced their way by a continuous and deadly 
fire of musketry ; they captured the batteries and drove 
the Federals back in confusion towards the river; the 
assistance of the other Federal forces to the right of 
Case^^'s, on the same bank of the stream, could with diffi- 
culty hold them in check ; and it was not till nightfall 
that reinforcements, brought by great exertions over the 
swollen river, reinstated the Federal generals in their 
position of the morning. The losses on both sides were 
heavy ; hundreds lay rigid on the earth, never to rise 
again, and the ambulance waggons were filled with 
wounded. The combat was renewed the next day with 
the same desperation ( Sunday, June 1 ) ; the fortunes of 
the fight were more equalised ; the Federals repelled all 
the Confederate attacks ; they even advanced their lines 
a short distance, and the close of the battle on the after- 
noon allowed them the boast — little as it might be valued 
— that they remained the masters of the field. General 



Introd. 



BATTLE OF FAIR OAKS. 



15 



M'Clellanwas on the field of battle himself this day, and 
under his eyes four successful bayonet charges were made. 
A curious incident is related of this battle, and illustrates 
the character of the American soldier. Newsboys went 
from rank to rank amidst the din of battle, crying the 
latest New York papers, which had just arrived in camp 
— the soldiers bought them eagerly. The total loss of 
the Federals in the two days' battle amounted to 5,739 ; 
viz. 890 killed, 3,627 wounded, and 1,222 missing. The 
Confederates paid no less severely for their onslaught, 
their loss in the aggregate being estimated at 9,897.* 

For two weeks after this no important operations took 
place on either side. After the cessation of the rain, which 
for some days impeded all occupation, the Federal troops 
were employed in strengthening with earthworks their 
position on the south bank of the Chickahominy, and the 
Confederates in their front were observed to be doing the 
same. Even yet not a few in the Federal camp clung to 
the belief that the ' Kebels ' were preparing to evacuate 
their capital without further resistance, and many of the 
volunteer soldiers, whose stomachs for fighting had been 
turned by the stiff two days' contest at Fair Oaks, indulged 
in the pleasing dream that they would achieve a peaceful 
glory by a quiet entry into Richmond, similar to that 
which had been their experience at Yorktown. Little 
did they think that Stonewall Jackson had left the shade 
of the Blue Ridge mountains, and that trains filled with 
his tried soldiers were even then speeding along the Vir- 
ginia Central Railroad, to the succour of the Virginian 
capital. 

But General M^Clellan was not at his ease. He saw 

^ M'Ciellan^s Official Ee])orts. New York newspapers. Some Federal 
authorities put the Confederate loss at 6,783 Conynhani, Irish Brigade 
and its Campaigns (New York, 1867). 



16 GE ANT'S CAiilPAIGX AGAIXST EICHMOXD. Ixtrod. 



that he was not to advance an inch further towards his 
goal but by dint of fighting ; he had begun to suspect 
that he was' outnumbered ; and though he may not thus 
early (June 14) have anticipated that Jackson would 
come to add to the enemy's strength^ the diyersion of 
McDowell's succour caused by Jackson's daring raid in 
the Shenandoah Valley had terribly disconcerted his plans. 
He wrote urgently to AVashington for reinforcements. 

Meanwhile the Confederate Government, in the threat- 
ened city of Richmond, was full of hope and confidence. 
Johnston having been wounded in the battle of Fair Oaks, 
the command in chief was given to General Lee, an officer 
who had not till then held any important separate com- 
mand, but whose great abilities were known to many. As 
we intend to enlarge upon the career of this great general 
in commencing the body of this work, we make no further 
comment on him here. 

While the armies lay thus confronting each other. 
General J. E. B. Stuart, chief of the Confederate cavalry, 
performed a dashing exploit which signalised that branch 
of their service, and began to make his name memorable 
in the history of the war.* At the head of one thousand 

* General Stuart was in his 27tli year only, having been born in Patrick 
County, Virginia, in 1835. Graduating at AVest Point in 1854, he obtained 
soon after a second lieutenancy in the United States 1st cavalrj- regiment, 
of which the (subsequent) Federal General Sumner was colonel, the Con- 
federate General Hardie lieutenant-colonel, and the Pederal General Sedge- 
wick junior major. He saw service against some of the Indian tribes in 
the west, and distinguished himself in a fight with the Cheyennes, June 27, 
1857, receiving a severe wound. He was promoted to captain in 1860, 
On the news that his coimtry had joined the other Southern States, he sent 
in his resignation to President Lincoln, and entered the Virginia State 
service as colonel of cavalry. He had the command of that arm at Bull 
Eun, and was subsequently appointed Brigadier-General. In September 
1861, he obtained credit for daring audacity in an attack on a Federal 
force at Lewinsville, near Washington. He was soon after made a Major- 
General, and was looked up to as the virtual chief of the Southern cavaby. 



IXTEOD. 



STUAET'S EAID. 



17 



horsemen and two guns he issued from Richmond (J une 
14), dashed round M'Clellan's right flank, crossed the 
Chickahominy, and made for the Pamunkey, his object 
being to seize or destroy as much as possible of M'Clellan's 
stores, which were accumulated near Whitehouse, on that 
river. In this he had considerable success, destroying 
some tents and quantities of forage ; whilst, regarded as 
a coiip-de-thedtre intended to amaze and bemlder the 
Federal generals, the expedition was a nonpareil. For 
several days the Federals Avere astonished to find squads 
of the enemy's horse still hovering about their rear ; till, 
having damaged the railroad from the Federal camp to 
West Point, on the York River, and cut the telegraph 
wires. General Stuart drew all his men quietly back to 
Richmond. He took with him also many prisoners, who 
found themselves going on to Richmond by a route they 
had not expected to travel. 

As the month of June drew to a close, indications were 
not wanting that a crisis in the struggle was at hand. 
Frequent skirmishes took place in the front, and the 
Confederates were thought to show a desire to bring on a 
general engagement. And, most ominous of all, it be- 
came known in the Federal camp that Stonewall J ackson 
was somewhere in the vicinity ; it was vaguely reported 
that he was coming round the north of the Pamunkey to 
fall on their rear and attack their magazines, which Stuart 
had not been strong enough to do (June 25). Convinced 
of the substratum of fact which these reports contained — 
that he was to expect an attack from Jackson — General 
M'Clellan resolved on a measure which, it is said, he 
had for some time contemplated — to bring all his troops to 
the south bank of the Chickahominy ; then, moving south, 
to take up a fresh basis of operations on the James River, 
Avhere he would have the assistance of the gunboats. His 

c 



18 



GEANT'S C.\J\IPAIGN AOAIXST EICIDIOXD. Ixtbod. 



heavy stores and his wounded being at Whitehouse, on 
the Pamunkey, the water thoroughfare formed by that 
river, the York, and the James, woukl afford an easy 
means of transporting the wounded to Fortress Monroe, 
and the stores to his new basis on the J ames."^ It was 
true that this would be falling back from Richmond, and 
a confession that its capture would be deferred some time ; 
but he probably felt in its full force the insecurity of his 
present position ; and, could he have performed his move- 
ment unmolested, it is possible that he might have made 
an immediate attack on Fort Darling, which would have 
been a virtual blow at Kichmoud. Whether, however, 
his movement to the James was indeed a carrying out of 
preconceived plans (plans conceived, that is to sa}^, during 
the month he lay before Richmond), or whether he only 
hit upon it in the emergency of the moment, caused by 
the Confederate attack which we are about to detail, 
certain it is that it was now too late for him to draw back 
with safety from before Richmond ; that Stonewall Jack- 
son was in Richmond ; that the Confederate generals had 
matured their plans ; and that they aimed at nothing less 
than the destruction or capture of the Federal army in its 
entirety. A conflict, extending over seven days, took 
place, and of these battles, mth the subsequent movements 
of M^Clellan, we must endeavour, as briefly as possible, 
to sketch the outlines. The armies which were about to 
engage in tremendous battle were very nearly equal in 
strength. Each consisted of about 100,000 men of all 
arms.t The contest was initiated by General M'Clellan, 
who, on the morning of Wednesday, June 25, ordered an 

* Letter of the Prince de Joinville to his brother the Due d'Aumale, 
June 27, 1862. English newspapers. American newspapers. Leeomte, 
Ca-iwpagnes de Virginie et de Maryland. 

t See a careful critical statement of the whole ' Seven Days' Battles ' in 
Earner's Montliiy for March 1866, by A. H. Guernsey. 



Inteod, 



BATTLES OF THE CHICKAHOMINY. 



19 



advance of his left and left centre, the corps of Generals 
Heintzleman and Sumner. According to the hypothesis 
that General M^Clellan was now preparing his move 
to the James, this advance was to obtain sufficient room 
for drawing to the south bank his right wing. Advancing 
directly towards Kichmond, the main body, under General 
Hooker, captured the enemy's rifle-pits, and drove him 
further back. General Kearney's division on the left was 
equally successful, but in the afternoon was driven back. 
However, at nightfall. Hooker's division retained the 
ground gained — an advance of two miles — and General 
M^Clellan officially reported that ' the pickets and lines 
under Generals Heintzleman and Hooker were where he 
wished them to be.' They were at the point nearest to 
Richmond which they were to attain. ISTot for two years 
was a Federal army to be again so near to the Confederate 
capital. 

On Thursday the 26th, or the second day, the antici- 
pated attack on M'Clellan's forces on the north bank of 
the Chickahominy took place. It was made by Generals 
Lee and Jackson, who delivered battle on the extreme 
Federal right, but it was only begun late in the day, and 
the combat, though severe, was not decisive. M^Clellan, 
however, saw that all that he dreaded was about to be 
fulfilled ; under his orders, therefore, all the baggage of 
the right was brought over the river, and on the morning 
of the 27th the troops were ranged parallel to the stream, 
preparatory to their passage. Their line now stretched, 
east and west, a distance of about three miles. In their 
rear was the Chickahominy, which it was their object to 
pass, but the Confederates, being still in their front, of 
course precluded them from doing so without a battle. 
Musketry-firing during the morning announced the ac- 
tivity of both parties, and at noon the combat assumed a 



20 



GEAXT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICIDIOND. 



IXTEOD. 



grand scale. From one till six the Federals held their 
ground against the desperate attacks of General Jackson ; 
but, although they inflicted heavy loss, their own loss was 
terrible ; their utmost reserves were engaged ; they stag- 
gered beneath the incessant volleys of the desperate Con- 
federates ; and, as the sun was going down, a furious 
assault on the left division put the finishing touch to the 
panic Avhich was rapidly spreading through their ranks. 
Broken, disordered, mingled together, they rushed in 
headlong flight towards the bridges. Many officers who 
attempted to rally and re-form their companies were in- 
voluntarily borne along with the mass ; others shamefully 
yielded to panic, and ran with their soldiers as the cry 
arose that 'the Rebels were coming.' The intervention of 
night alone, and the desire of the victorious Confederates 
to push on for the West Point Railway and the maga- 
zines of supplies there, the road to which now lay open to 
them, permitted the Federal generals to get their troops 
safely across the river to the south bank. There they 
were passed to the left flank, and that portion of the 
army, by General M'Clellan's orders, was immediately 
put in motion for the James Hiver. The Federal en- 
campment presented a scene of indescribable confusion 
on the morning of the 28 th (Saturday, the fourth day J. 
The baggage-trains of the whole army were hastily 
loaded and started. The left division, which had enjoyed 
immunity from the past day's battle, marched oflf in 
orderly array ; the tired and drooping fugitives from the 
right flank followed in straggling columns ; the divisions 
which had formed the centre were disposed to resist the 
enemy's attack, now coming from the north of the river; 
heavy stores were heaped up and set on fire ; cavalry 
rushed off to save or destroy the stores of the stations on 
the West Point Railway, and brisk skirmishing was going 



Ikteod. battles of THE CHICKAHOMINY. 



21 



on all the while ; everything betokened a hurried and 
disastrous retreat. Simultaneously, but unconnectedly, 
similar scenes took place at Whitehouse, which the Con- 
federates were in hopes of capturing. Through the 
exertions of the Federal officers (General Stoneman and 
Colonel Ingalls), however, who, prior to the battle of 
Friday, had been detached to protect the railway and 
evacuate the position there, the Confederates were dis- 
appointed in their aim. The most valuable stores were 
put on board the transports, and w^ent down the river 
protected by gunboats, along with a few regiments of 
infantry and the wounded ; the greater part of the stores, 
cars, engines, depot-houses, tents, hulks, and forage were 
destroyed; and as these were burning, the Whitehouse 
itself — a large and ancient building, which was the pro- 
perty of a son of the Confederate General Lee — was set 
on fire. It had not yet fallen to the ground when, at 
half-past four in the evening, the Confederate videttes 
came up, and the proprietor — Fitz-Hugh Lee himself, 
a cavalry officer under Stuart — with them. Despite 
Ingalls' exertions, the Confederate re-occupiers found 
plentiful and choice stores to regale themselves with."^ 

Some sharp engagements were fought the next day, 
as M'Clellan's retreating army slowly made its way 
towards the James River. As the rear-guard, composed 
of Heintzleman's, Sumner's, and Franklin's divisions, fell 

* 'Never in all my life liad I seen sncli enormous quantities of com- 
missary stores, never had I supposed that an army of invasion would volun- 
tarily encumber itself with such an incalculable amount of useless luxuries. 
Hundreds of boxes of oranges and lemons were piled up together . . . 
Great pyramids of barrels of white and brown sugar, and of salt fish and 
eggs packed in salt, were blazing on all sides. One of the blazing barrels 
of eggs we knocked open, and foimd its contents roasted a merveiUe, which 
gave us, with other edibles within our reach, such a repast as we had not 
enjoyed fur many months,' — VonBorcke, Memoirs of the Covfcderate War for 
Independence. 



22 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Iktrod. 



back from the Chickahominy, the Confederates — their 
troops now returned from Whitehouse — placed themselves 
on the south bank in like manner, and made two attacks 
during the day, which were repulsed. Kot only this ; but 
the Federals, as with dajdight they set forward for the 
James, found a body of the enemy's cavalry in their 
front, which, by a parallel line of march, had headed 
their line of retreat. General M^Clellan was perplexed, 
and called a halt, for he feared he might be attacked 
in force here also, and his march to the James stopped. 
Such, indeed, seems to have been the plan of the Confe- 
derates ; but, by the ill-execution of General Lee's orders, 
a sufficient force, fortunately for M^Clellan, had not yet 
been assembled at this point. The Confederate cavalry 
charging, were shot down by a battery of artillery which 
they knew not of, and no further attack being made as 
night came on, the march was resumed. A toilsome 
march, taking all the night, though it was but a dis- 
tance of ten miles — the road being narrow and miry, 
and skirted by forests, against the trees of which the 
waggons were continually upsetting — brought them, as 
the morning of the 30th broke, to the longed-for banks 
of the James River, wdiere — equally pleasing sight — lay 
their allies, the black gunboats. 

But their combats w^ere not over. The 30th (sixth 
day) was signalised by a battle nearly as bloody as that 
of the 27 th. The Confederates, who had closely followed 
the Federal rear-guard, opened a tremendous cannonad- 
ing ; the Federal batteries replied with equal spirit, and 
for several hours an artillery battle was kept up with 
frightful execution on both sides. In the afternoon the 
Federals discovered that another body of the enemy, 
advancing directly from Richmond, was edging round 
their left by a road a short distance from the river. To 



Inteod. battles of THE CHICKAHOMINY. 



23 



oppose it there were only the corps of Keyes and Porter 
— the disorganised and tired-out troops of Friday's battle 
and the ensuing day's retreat. The Confederates at- 
tacked with their usual desperate valour ; they were 
visibly driving the hard-pressed Federals to the river, 
and it seemed as if M^Clellan's army was yet to suffer 
the crowning disaster of war, when a new species of 
combatants came to its relief to retrieve the fortunes 
of the day. The Federal gunboats steamed up along- 
side the conflict, and opened a fierce fire on the enemy 
from their rifled guns. The Confederate soldiers, who 
had faced musketry and hand-to-hand conflicts daunt- 
lessly, could no longer keep their ground, and the 
Federals recovered their position. The Confederate at- 
tack on the rear, though inflicting and recei\ing heavy 
loss, had not broken the Federal lines. They renewed 
their attack on that position the next day (July 1, 
seventh day of battle), but had no better success ; mind- 
ful of the gunboats' fire, they did not venture to attack 
by the river side again. With the evening of this day 
their leaders gave over further designs of compassing the 
capture of the Federal army, and General M'Clellan 
could at length telegraph to Washington that * The 
army of the Potomac was safe,' 

But what a heavy toll it had paid in moving to the 
haven of safety in which it now anchored. In the short 
space of seven days the Federal army, according to the 
official reports and the estimates obtained by the Com- 
mittee on the conduct of the war, had lost in killed 
1,582, in wounded 7,709, and in missing 5,958. The 
Confederates have always spoken of their losses in these 
battles as far inferior to M'Clellan's, yet a Northern 
critic has compiled from their own reports a table show- 
ing that they lost more than M'Clellan. 



24 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ixtrod. 



General M'^Clellan — his army rested, and the Con- 
federates having disappeared from his front— would fain 
have made another effort to capture Richmond by the 
way of the James, could he have counted on the neces- 
sary reinforcements and the co-operation of a naval force. 
But the Cabinet at Washington, bent on carrying on the 
war with vigour, was ah'eady setting on foot other move- 
ments, in which all the available forces of the line of the 
Potomac were to be used. Two generals from the west, 
esteemed as very mighty men of war by the vox populi of 
America — which, in the early stages of the war, put up, 
as its standard of laudation, success, however small, and by 
whatever chance-medley gamed — had arrived at Wash- 
ington (July 11). One of them had risen to power 
with the Government ; the other, through him, to favour. 
To General H. W. Halleck was given the high office of 
General-in-Chief of all the armies of the United States, 
and General John Pope was entrusted with the forma- 
tion of an ^ Army of Virginia,' which, organised in the 
neighbourhood of Washington, was, under his command, 
to make an immediate advance and perform various won- 
ders, culminating in the capture of Richmond. Such at 
least were the prospects which the newspapers of the 
Xorth laboured to disseminate. 

General M^Clellan, thus left to his own devices for a 
short time in his position at Harrison's Landing on the 
James River, made a few feeble tentatives in the direction 
of his former goal, from which he was now twenty miles 
distant. The Confederates had erected some batteries on 
the south bank of the James, commanding his position, 
and on July 3 1 they opened fire on his camp, not without 
effect ; but the Federal gunboats silenced them the same 
day. This gave General M'Clellan an idea, and the 
next day he transferred some troops to that side of the 



I>-TaoD. 



WEEK OF BATTLES— ITS RESULTS. 



25 



river : the Confederates, who were in no force, retired 
without fighting. A few days after he despatched a 
cavalry force, under Colonel Averill, on a reconnoitring 
expedition on that side of the river. They rode up to 
A^ithin fourteen miles of the important city of Petersburg, 
— a place ^^ith which we shall become familiar in the course 
of this history, for it figures in Grant's campaign as the 
bulwark with which General Lee for nine months de- 
fended Kichmond. At the same time General Hooker 
made a ^ reconnaissance in force ' from Harrison's Landino; 
to Malvern Hill and White Oak Swamp, the scene of the 
last tv\'0 days' battle in the retreat from the Chickahominy. 
He camped there for a day or two, had a slight engage- 
ment with a body of Confederates who made their appear- 
ance, and then fell back as^ain to Harrison's Landino; 
(August 8). A few days after General M'Clellan re- 
ceived orders from Washington to evacuate the peninsula 
altocrether, and brins^ his armv back to the banks of the 
Potomac, where it Avas again needed. A part of the 
troops and the stores went down the James to Fortress 
jMonroe (August 12 to 16), and the main army marched 
quietly through Williamsburg to Yorktown, where a fleet 
of transports was in readiness for them. The people of 
the Xorth com^ratulated themselves that the armv of the 
Potomac had at length ' escaped safely,' and the Xorthern 
press proclaimed that ' M'Clellan's successful evacuation 
of the Yorktown peninsula was a great victory I ' 

The series of battles before Richmond resultino; in the 
defeat of the Northern army, and the complete overthrow 
of M'Clellan's campaign, may be looked upon as the 
second landmark in the war — the first being Bull Run. 
In the eleven months intervening between the two, indeed, 
battles had taken place in the West, naval expeditions 
had landed armies at several points on the Atlantic sea- 



26 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICmiOND. Inteod. 



board of the Southern States,^ and the chief of them 
had captured for the JSTorth the important city of New 
Orleans, the greatest in extent and population of the 
South. But the fio;htinoj in the West had brouo-ht forth 
110 display of generalship; the minor naval expeditions had 
been failures ; and if the capture of New Orleans was a 
step towards the important operations on the Mississippi 
a year later, in itself it was of no consequence compared 
to the Richmond campaign, on the result of which every- 
thing for that time depended. 

But the week of battles with M^Clellan before Rich- 
mond is the second turning-point in the history of the 
war. Success there was the present salvation of the 
South ; it invigorated the people, trained the soldiers, 
gave them the prestige of victory, and the knowledge that 
they had great generals at their head. Defeat before 
Richmond, in the campaign on which their chief hopes 
were set, was no less a stimulant to fresh exertions for 
the Northerners ; it galled them to put forth their whole 
strength, whilst it opened their eyes to that of their 
antagonists. On the Federal soldiers, too, the effect was 
immense ; the army of the Potomac returned from the 
Yorktown peninsula beaten, it is true, but with the 
elements of future power implanted in it by the severe 
training it had received. 

Henceforth the war goes on on a gigantic scale. It is 
no lonsfer conducted in the hesitatino- manner that a 
previous fifty years' peace had given to its commencement. 
Great generals now grew famous — for a time, chiefly, on 
the side of the South, but as time vfent by, on both — cam- 
paigns were conceived and battles fought, rivalling, in a 
military and strategical point of view, those of the greatest 
wars of modern Europe; whilst the application in war, 

* Port Eoyal, Biirnside's Cccpe Hatteras Expedition, &c. &c. 



Inteod. 



GENERAL POPE. 



27 



for the first time, of the discoveries and improvements of 
19tli century science, developed features and tactics never 
before possible in any war. 

We have treated somewhat at large on the campaign 
of General M^Clellan, as it was the only one, previous to 
General Grant's, in which the Northern army actually 
arrived in the vicinity of Richmond, and because we shall 
have to institute a comparison in some points between 
the two. We must now merely run over, in the briefest 
manner possible, the leading incidents of the operations 
in Virginia, up to the battle of Chancellorsville. 

Pope, who had signalised his accession to command by 
several very high-sounding orders, set forward and crossed 
the Rapidan River, southwards ; then came * doubts as to 
the whereabouts of Stonewall Jackson ;' and then (August 
9) these doubts were solved by that general's routing 
the advanced divisions of Pope's army at Cedar Mountainj 
with heavy loss. A few days after. Pope's whole army 
began to retreat. Under the orders of General Halleck, 
and the Federal Secretary for War, attempts were made 
to conceal the disasters from the people of the North ; 
but it was not long before the true state of affairs became 
perforce known to them, and it was a truly alarming 
prospect. The whole Confederate army, under Lee and 
Jackson, was coming north. To the latter general was 
deputed the task of following up Pope, and well did he 
perform it. A second battle took place near Bull Run 
(August 28 to 30), and Pope's army fled in haste and 
confusion before the fiery onslaught of the Confederate 
general. [t was a great battle, this second Bull Run ; 
Pope's loss was nearly 10,000. Again the scouts of the 
Confederate horse rode up to within view of Washington, 
and the military position was curiously similar to that 
which followed the defeat of McDowell in 1 8 6 1 . As then, 



28 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AG^^ST EICH3I0ND. Ixtrod. 



M^Clellan, returned from the peninsula, was placed in 
command of the defence of the capital. But, as then, the 
Confederates did not hazard a direct attack on Washing- 
ton. They had, however, another design as daring, and 
from which they hoped to derive results as important as 
would have been obtained by the capture of that city. 
General Lee crossed tlie Upper Potomac, above Wash- 
ington (September 7), planted the standard of the South 
in Maryland, and issued an address, inviting the people of 
that semi-southern State to make common cause with the 
Confederacy. But it had not the effect anticipated. A 
few recruits came in to his army, but the people of Mary- 
land cared not to avow themselves the friends of the 
invader till further victory should have crowned his arms. 
The conflict came quickly, and the opportunity passed 
away. 

M'Clellan, for once shaking off his besetting sin, pro- 
crastination, marched straight after Lee, who had taken 
up a poi^ition near Hagerstown, Maryland. The latter 
had detailed Stonewall Jackson to take Harper's Ferry, 
on the south bank of the Potomac, where a large body of 
Federal troops lay cut off from all help from the main 
army. The place surrendered ; 11,000 men giving them- 
selves up prisoners ; but, miserable defence as it was which 
they had made, it had taken Jackson two days longer 
than he or his chief anticipated ; and when he joined the 
main army (September 16), it had already been assailed 
by M'^Clellan (at South Mountain, September 14), and 
was holding him at bay on the banks of a small stream, 
the Antietam. In this great battle the Federals, though 
sustaining an accustomed enormous loss, repelled all the 
efforts of the two great Confederate leaders, putting on 
them the necessity of re-crossing the Potomac ; and Gene- 
ral M^Clellan, as the report of his greatest achievement, 



IXTKOD. 



GENEEAL BUENSIDE. 



29 



telegraphed that ^ Maryland and Pennsylvania vrere 
safe ! ' 

The Federal loss in the battle of Antietam was 2,010 
killed, 9,416 wounded. The Confederates were stated by 
Lee to have lost only 9,000 altogether. 

Numerically disastrous as it was, the battle of Antietam 
was the first great action which bore even the semblance 
of a Federal victory ; the people of the North had their 
expectations now raised to high pitch, and they wondered 
that M'Clellan did not pursue the advantage which was 
undoubtedly gained. Far from continuing the offensive, 
however, the Federal general was of opinion that having 
put the enemy on the south side of the Potomac again, 
his army had done enough for ^ one while.' For nearly 
six weeks the antagonists were encamped on either side of 
the Potomac, quietly watching each other. JNI^Clellan, 
however, did not keep a very strict watch, for during this 
interval the daring cavalry-leader, Stuart, with a small 
force of bold Southern horsemen, re-crossed the river, and 
made the complete circuit of the Northern army, ransack- 
ing and carrying off the Government stores in the small 
town of Chambersburg, through which he passed. This 
bold ride, a distance of nearly one hundred miles, was per- 
formed in little more than twenty-four hours, and with the 
loss of only one man, who was *^cut off' and captured by 
some Pennsylvania farmers. 

In the beginning of November the Southern army 
exhibited signs of withdrawal from its position; and Gene- 
ral M'^Clellan moved his army to the south bank of the 
Potomac, and took some cautious steps in a south-east 
direction. But the Federal Government resolved on 
superseding him, and on November 7 General Ambrose 
E. Burnside was appointed to the command of the army 
of the Potomac. 



30 GRANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOXD. Ixtrod. 



Lee, anticipating a rash advance on Riclimoncl, retired 
to the south side of the Rappahannock, and securely en- 
trenched himself on the heights behind the town of 
Fredericksburg. Enticed by the falling back of the 
enemy, Burnside advanced to the very place the Con- 
federates wished to entrap him in, and the fourth advance 
on Richmond was stopped by a crushing defeat (December 
13). Having occupied the town, Burnside hurled his 
troops again and again, without the least effect, against 
the heights behind Fredericksburg, bristling -with cannon, 
and occupied by the w^hole Confederate army. He had 
to answer for the deaths of 1,150, and the wounds of 9,000 
of his soldiers ; for, magnanimously enough, he took on 
himself, in his official report, the whole blame of the disaster. 
The year 1862 went out with a perfect blaze of Confede- 
rate triumph.* 

As might be expected, the unsuccessful general did not 
retain much longer the command of the army of the Poto- 
mac. Hooker, a man of that temperament which has 
been styled ^fire-eating,' and who presented the world 
with a second edition of Pope's recklessness and ultimate 
non-success, willingly accepted the post. In return, it 
may be, for the cognomen of Fighting J oe,' Avith Avhicli 
his soldiers complimented him, he proclaimed that the 
troops of which he was now in command formed * the 
finest army in the planet.' AYith bold assurance he 
promised victory to the members of the Government, and 
they furnished him all the reinforcements he required. 
At the end of April General Hooker had all ready to 
lead the army of the Potomac ^ on to Richmond ' again. 

Eeuewed reverses, after the victory of Antietani had Sf-emed to promise 
success, told heavily on President Liucoln. After Fredericksburg he ex- 
claimed, in the anguish of his soul, 'If there is any man out of hell suffering 
more than I, I pity him ! ' But not for a moment did he think of relaxing 
his efforts to maintain the Union. 



Inteod. 



GENEEAL HOOKER. 



31 



The Confederates still held the position in the rear 
of Fredericksburg^ and General Lee expected that the 
attack would be made directly on his front, as Burnside's 
had been made. Instead of this. Hooker, whose dis- 
positions certainly showed ingenuity, carried the greater 
part of his army some distance above Fredericksburg, and 
crossing successfully to the south bank of the Rappahan- 
nock, appeared suddenly on the Confederate left, threaten- 
ing Lee's communications with Richmond. Lee at once 
turned his whole force westward to confront the Federals. 
This was what Hooker thought to be an advantage, as 
the Fredericksburg heights were then occupied by a 
Federal force under SedgAvick, which he had left for that 
purpose. At the same time he started a large cavalry 
force under Stoneman (for the Federals had now learnt, 
by experience, the necessity and use of cavalry tactics), 
to cut up the roads in the Confederate rear. 

The battle of Chancellorsville ensued (May 1 to 5, 
1863). Hooker, the day before, issued an address to his 
soldiers, in which he declared that ' the Rebel army ' was 
the ^ legitimate property ' of the army of the Potomac ; 
that the enemy must either *^ ingloriously fly,' or ' give us 
battle on our own ground, where certain destruction 
awaits him.' But he scarcely knew how to commence 
operations against the enemy of whom he spoke so con- 
temptuously. He ordered an advance of his left, and 
whilst it v/as cautiously moving forward, behold I his 
right, the 11th corps — some divisions of which were com- 
posed chiefly of Germans — was flying pell-mell before 
Stonewall Jackson. A total rout was imminent, when 
Berry's Federal corps stemmed the flood of victory. Ou 
the next day the fight ran along the whole lines. The 
Federals were not forced from their position, but they 
were powerless for resuming the offensive. Sedgwick, 



32 



GEANT-S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ixteod. 



who had occupied Fredericksburg, could not effect a 
junction ^^ith the main body, and was driven out again, 
and on the 5th General Hooker led the army of the 
Potomac back to its old quarters on the north bank. 

General Hooker displayed singularly bad taste in his 
exhortations to his troops : ' If the army had not accom- 
plished all that was expected from it, the reasons were 
well known to the army that was what he said in his 
general order after the great defeat of Chancellorsville. 
General Hooker's officially reported loss was 17,197, 
Lee's only 10,277. Hooker was a brave and zealous 
officer, but he had failed woefully, and the fault must be 
attributed to him, not to the army. It is estimated that 
he had 123,000 men in tliis battle, and Lee but 62,000.* 

But an accident almost wholly annihilated the rejoicing 
of the Confederates ; and, perfect victory though it was, 
Chancellorsville stands marked as a day of grievous loss 
for the South, for this was Stonewall Jackson's last 
fight. It is foreign to the scoi^e of my task — the history 
of Grant's campaign — to enlarge upon the incidents of 
the war during its previous three years, though I have 
deemed it desirable to o;ive the reader these outlines of 
its course. Yet I cannot resist the temptation to sketch 
the last moments of a hero. 

In the evening of the 2nd he was riding back from the 
front, satisfied so far with the day's labour, but medi- 
tating another movement which should cut off the enemy's 
retreat, when a regiment of his own corps, which had 
received orders to fire at anything coming up the road, 
poured in a volley on the little cavalcade of their general 

* Hotchkiss and Allan, Battle-fields of Virginia, Chancellorsville. 
(New York, 1867.) It was commonly reported at the time that General 
Hooker was not sober during the great portion of the battle. New York 
and English newspapers. 



Introd. death of stonewall JACKSON. 



33 



and his staff, which, in the darkness of the night, they 
took to be a body of Federal cavalry. Three balls 
struck General Jackson, and he fell from his horse. 
Hurrying forward, his officers took him into the lines, and 
he was placed on a litter. He remarked, ^ All my wounds 
are by my own men.' As he was carried to the rear, the 
soldiers, seeing a leader borne wounded from the fight, 
asked ^ Whom have you got there ? ' The suffering general 
whispered to the doctor who rode by his side, ' Do not tell 
the troops I am wounded.' 

The doctors determined on amputation of his left arm, 
which two balls had entered. This was done, and for a 
day or two it seemed that no fatal result need be appre- 
hended. He himself asked, ' How long shall I be kept 
from the field ? ' and smiled cheerfully when the doctors 
assured him he was doing well. He asked how the 
battle was going, heard how Lee had frustrated all the 
enemy's plans, and how his own old brigade had again 
covered itself with glory. * Yes, yes,' he said, ' men who 
live through this war will be proud to say to their 
children " I was one of the Stonewall brigade," for it is 
their name and not mine,' added the self-denying hero. 
His loved wife arrived and nursed him, but the effects of 
the wound and the operation had weakened him ; he lay in 
a state of prostration. On Sunday morning. May 9, it 
became apparent that he was rapidly sinking ; Mrs. 
Jackson was informed of his condition, and she told him 
that he was going to die. Very calmly and peacefully 
he received the intelligence ; he said, ' Very good, very 
good, it is all right.' He had previously said, ' I consider 
these wounds a blessing. They were given me for some 
good and wise purpose. I would not part with them if I 
could.' He spoke farewell messages for all his com- 
panions in arms. ^ Who is preaching at head-quarters 

D 



34 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ixtrod. 



to-day ? ' he asked. Then looking steadfastly forward for 
the last question^ he said * Bury me at Lexington, in the 
Valley of Virginia.' Presently the end came ; the brain 
went ; he imagined himself on the battle-field, and his 
breaking voice uttered orders of battle ; it grew weaker 
and incoherent, and then suddenly it was hushed, and he 
ceased to breathe.* 

Thus died Thomas Jonathan Jackson, called for his 
unflinching valour ' Stonewall.' The news of his death 
made a great impression, not alone through North and 
South, but across the Atlantic, in Europe, and especially 
in our own country, where two parties had formed them- 
selves, opposed as vehemently in opinion on the great 
American conflict as were its very actors. 

It is curious to consider in how short a space of time 
Jackson's fame was acquired. On the 2nd of May, 1861, 
he was placed in command of the Virginian troops at 
Harper's Ferry. On the 2nd of May, 1863, he fell 
at Chancellorsvilie. Of the two years which these dates 
denote, the first only gave him renown in Virginia ; it 
was during the second that his fame became world-wide, 
and had it not been for the events of those two years 
he might never have emerged from obscurity at all. 

Jackson was dead ; but one greater even than he yet 
remained to the Confederates. The chieftaia who, with 
Jackson for his right-hand man,' had for a twelvemonth 
chained victory to his car, still stood, with this last 
chaplet of victory — Chancellorsvilie — in his hand, a 
tower of strength to the Confederacy. A sketch of the 
previous life of Grant's great opponent will be the fitting 
opening to our history of Grant's Campaign. 

Hotchkiss and Allan. Chancellorsvilie (narrative of Dr. McGuire, in 
attendance on General Jackson). Eichnond Enquirer, May 13th, 1863. 



Ch. I. 



GENEEAL LEE— HIS ANCESTEY. 



35 



CHAPTEK L 

SXETCH OF THE LIFE OF GEXEEAL EOBEET E. LEE. HE A SECOND TIME 

INTADES MAErLAND AXD PENNSYLVANIA. THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBrEG 

AND OTHEE SIMULTANEOUS EE'S'EESES TO THE SOUTH. SUBSEQUENT OPEEA- 

TIONS IN VTEGINIA DO"\TN TO THE CLOSE OF THE YEAE 1863. 

In the year 1808, when IVashington had been dead 
ten years, and when the city which bears his name was 
but just uprising — uprising in such motley fashion as to 
justify the satirical couplet of the English poet who saw 
it later ^ — fit^y miles lower down the Potomac, on the 
Virginian bank, in tl^ little township of Stratford (West- 
moreland County), was^born the greatest wai'rior whom 
America has yet produced — Robert Edmund Lee. Yes ! 
though victory, which had so long followed Hs, footsteps, 
at lengfh deserted him, and he fell, beaten, Before ^ the 
larger battalions : ' though, wdien further resistance was 
futile, the Commander-in-Chief • of the South rendered 
himself a prisoner to a magnanimous conqueror ; though 
his army exists no longer, save in history ; and though 
the crumbling works of his tenaciously-defended Rich- 
mond are now merely the monuments of an unsuccessful 
resistance and a crushed rebellion ; not for this, nor 
because we may not approve of the cause which he up- 
held, can we avoid the conviction that, as the warrior 
of the war, Pobert Edmund Lee stands by himself, su- 
preme in military genius. 

A native of Virginia, General Lee w^as also born of 

^ The famed metropolis, where Eancy sees 
Squares in morasses, obelisks in trees. 
D 2 



36 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST KICHMOND. Ch. I. 



one of the proudest families of that aristocratical common- 
wealth— aristocratical, for, as is well known, Virginia, 
whose first settlers were many of them the younger sons 
of English squires, some of them of English nobles, has 
always boasted, what is to all intents and purposes a 
title of rank — the appellation or order of F. F. V."^ But 
General Lee was not only descended from an old family ; 
he was the son of a man distinguished in American his- 
tory as one of the Virginian heroes of its War of Inde- 
pendence. When, in 1776, the State of Virginia followed 
the lead of the New England States, and acceded to the 
Declaration of Independence of England, Henry Lee, a 
young man of twenty-one, raised a body of cavalry, 
which, under his command, achieved no little fame as 
' Lee's Legion,' whilst he himself was identified with it as 
' Light Horse Harry.' He was perhaps the best Ameri- 
can cavalry general of that war; and this is no light 
praise, for in the irregular warfare in the Carolinas, 
where his exploits chiefly took place, the Carolinian 
generals, Sumter and Marion, were acting with him, and 
opposed to him and them was the enterj^rising and in- 
domitable English cavalry leader. Colonel Tarleton, a 
soldier of very high abilities. A right good server of his 
country, then, was General Harry Lee; as a soldier he 
displayed ability. When Britain acknowledged the inde- 
pendence of her former colonies, and peace and progress 
resumed their happy sway, he turned himself to the arts 
of peace, was elected to Congress, held for some years 
his seat among the counsellors of the nation, and for some 
years was Governor of his native State. He will always, 
on his own merits, fill a place in American history, and 
even in European biographical dictionaries will command 

* F. F. Y., i. e. First Family of Virginia — a whimsical title, and ad- 
mitting of no gradations. 



Ch. I. 



GENEKAL HAERY LEE. 



37 



notice ; but, by the fame of bis son, the name of Lee, of 
Virginia, will acquire a far greater renown, and his own 
name a surer remembrance. Notable of him are two 
other particularities besides those just indicated : — first, 
that he held the chief command in the quelling of certain 
disturbances in Pennsylvania, which were called collec- 
tively the Whiskey Insurrection ; second, that his pro- 
fuse hospitality as a Virginian squire resulted in very 
grave and unpleasant financial consequences. His credi- 
tors became not simply troublesome, but relentless, and 
General Harry Lee was for some time imprisoned for 
debt. When arrested, and during confinement, he dis- 
played both the insouciance of a soldier and the adroit- 
ness of a wit.* Thus when, in 1809, in prison in Spott- 
sylvania County, he wrote his * Memoirs of the War in 
the Southern Department of the United States,' a valu- 
able and interesting contribution to the history of the 
Revolutibnary War. 

General Henry Lee married twice. By his first wife — 
his cousin, Miss Matilda Lee, daughter of another of the 
very numerous representatives of the Lee family — he had 
one son, Henry, who on arriving at manhood became a 
major, and was afterwards the author of two or three 
books, the principal one in defence of his father against 
some aspersions on his character in Jefferson's writings. 
His career presents nothing remarkable, and he appears 
to have died some time before the year 1840. By his 
second wife. Miss Anne Carter, of Shirley, Virginia, 

* A story is told that, having been arrested for debt, as he was riding 
along with the sheriiF, he remarked that he was glad that he was on his 
way to confineinent, since, having been bitten by a mad dog, he needed to 
be taken care of. Soon after this introduction of the subject, he exhibited 
such energetic symptoms of mania that the officials made off in hot haste. 
Allen's Biographical Dictionary. Duyckiuck's Cyclopcedia of American 
Literature. 



38 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOND. Ch. I. 

General Lee had three sons and two daughters. The 
sons were named Charles Carter, Robert Ednuind, and 
Sydney Smith. General Henry Lee died at Savannah in 
1818, on his return from a residence in some of the West 
India islands.* ' , ,) 

Robert Edmund Lee was born in the year 1808, and it 
seems probable that all his early years were passed in the 
ancestral home of his family at Stratford. f As the son 
of a Virginian squire, he gradually received a good edu- 
cation, and acquired refined manners and a happy bodily 
strength and size, well suited to the military profession 
Avhich he was to follow. To this end he was at the age of 
sixteen entered in the West Point Military Academy, 
the now celebrated military training school of the United 
States. 

This institution, the only one of the kind which is 
maintained by the United States Government, was es- 
tablished in 1802. West Point is situated on the River 
Hudson, in the State of New York, on the rocky western 
bank, at a picturesque bend of the river, fifty-one miles 
distant from the city of Kew York. The Military 
Academy possesses 250 acres of land, and the buildings 
consist of two stone barracks for the cadets, a large stone 
building containing models of fortifications, &c., and used 
for military exercises in the winter ; a chapel, observa- 
tory, hospitals, dAvelling-houses for the officers, &c. The 
appointment of each cadet is made by the President of 
the United States, and the total number is limited to 
250. Notwitlistanding the hitherto peaceful character- 
istics of the Americans, the number of applications for 
admission to West Point has always been very great, so 

Lossings Eminent Americans. (H. Lee.) 
t The Lee family in Virginia dates from about the year 1666. Shrop- 
shire is believed to be the English county it was originally seated in. 



Ch. I. 



THE WEST POINT ACADEMY. 



39 



that the candidate must feel his claims to be indeed over- 
whelming who can calculate upon admission with any 
degree of certainty. In the selection of candidates for 
admission, the descendants of revolutionary officers, and 
of those who served in the war of 1812, were considered 
as having peculiar claims to notice, and on this ground 
the young Lee had, as we have seen, the highest of 
recommendations. The age of admission is from sixteen 
to twenty-one. 

The staff of instructors comprises forty persons, in- 
cluding the Superintendent and Commandant, professors 
and teachers. The regular course of study lasts four 
years, at the end of which, on passing the examinations, 
the cadet receives an appointment in the army. During 
two months of every year (July and August) the cadets 
form an encampment on the plains, and whilst receiving 
the instruction of officers they are also put through all 
the duties and exercises of private soldiers. Little at- 
tention has been hitherto paid to this institution, or to 
American military affairs generally, by European connois- 
seurs, but the good practical instruction which the United 
States Military Academy affords has been now well 
attested by the experience of a great four years' war, all 
the commanders of note in which had received their train- 
ing at West Point. 

As the son of a general of the War of Independence 
Cadet Lee had a standing to maintain, and he appears to 
have been a highly creditable pupil at the Academy. 
IsTot once, we read, did he receive a reprimand ; not once 
was he found lacking in intelligence, industry, or punc- 
tuality. Not many of the subsequent generals of the 
Civil War were associated with Lee at West Point ; few 
of them were born so near the beginning of the present 
century as the Yirginian chief. Only two remarkable 



40 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. I. 



names can be singled out from among his class-fellows — 
Joseph E. Johnston, Virginian like himself, and O. M. 
Mitchell, Kentuckian. Mitchell distinguished himself 
soon after by his talent for astronomy ; later by some 
very eloquent lectures on the science he loved so well ; 
later still, when the Civil War came, by ardent patriotism 
in the cause of the Union. 

On the expiration of his four years' course of study, 
Lee graduated No. 2 in a class of 46 (1829). Directly 
afterwards, according to one account, he crossed the 
Atlantic and travelled for a few months in Europe, but 
obtained a commission the same year ; and on his return 
married Miss Custis, grand-daughter of the wife of 
George Washington, who had been a widow (Mrs. 
Custis) when the future First President married her 
and adopted her two children. With this lady Lee 
obtained the magnificent Arlington Estate, situated but 
a little north of Washington's domain of Mount Vernon, 
and just opposite the city of Washington. Lee, therefore, 
became quite a rich man ; but notwithstanding this, he 
diligently followed his profession.^ 

His first appointment was to the Topographical Engi- 
neer Corps, and he was for several years employed 
on the various coast fortifications. In 1835 he acted as 
assistant astronomer in the demarcation of the boundary 
line between the States of Ohio and Michigan. 

Lee first saw active service in the year 1847. To the 
student w^ho wishes to obtain an insight into the early 
career (and thereby into the character) of the chief Federal 
and Confederate commanders, it is an indispensable neces- 
sity, and an almost unfailing source of supply, thoroughly 
to master the details of the Mexican War. There he will 

^ New York Herald, February 8th, 1865. 



Ch. I. 



LEE IN MEXICO. 



41 



find Lee figuring brilliantly and conspicuously among 
General Scott's young officers. At Vera Cruz, on the 
first landing of Scott's army, Captain Lee, second com- 
mander of the Engineers, with Lieutenants Beauregard 
and M'Clellan under him, worked so well as to attract 
much attention from the General-in-Chief. At Cerro 
Gordo his ' ciallant and meritorious conduct ' was ag-ain 
noted, and General Scott said * I am compelled to make 
special mention of Captain R. E. Lee, engineer. This 
officer greatly distinguished himself at the siege of Yera 
Cruz; was again indefatigable during these operations in 
reconnoissances as daring as laborious, and of the utmost 
value. Nor was he less conspicuous in planning batteries 
and in conducting columns to their stations under the 
heavy fire of the enemy.' The army marched on. Cap- 
tain Lee was again ' gallant and meritorious ' in the ac- 
tions of Contreras and Cherubusco. They neared the 
city of Mexico, and another battle was fought, and Lee 
distinguished himself in it and afterwards. Said General 
Scott : ^ The victory of September 8, at the Molinos 
del Rey, was followed by daring reconnoissances on the 
part of our distinguished engineers — Captain Lee, Lieu- 
tenant Beauregard, &c. Their operations were directed 
principally to the south, towards the gates of the Piedad.' 
In the further combats at Chepultepec, which resulted in 
the capture of the city of Mexico, Lee did yet more 
brilliant service; but he could not, with his comrades, 
* revel in the halls of the Montezumas ' afterwards, for 
he received severe wounds. Scott again praised and 
promoted him."^ 

* Besides the approbation of his chief, Lee won golden opinions from all 
sorts of men. The stvident will find mention of Lee in several of the nn- 
official chronicles of the Mexican War. There are some few of them, but 
I think that the testimony which would most pique the curiosity of the 
reader would be that of Eaphael Semmes (afterwards commander of the 



42 



GEA^'T'S CAMPAiaX AGAINST EICHMOXD. 



Ch. I. 



^ Captain Lee, so constantly distinguished, also bore 
important orders from me (September 13) until he fainted 
from a wound and the loss of two nights' sleep at the 
batteries.' * 

After the Mexican War Lee was appointed a member 
of the Board of Engineers, and remained so till 1852. 
About this date he spent much time at home in his 
stately mansion and charming domains of Arlington. His 
estate must at this time have given him all that a man 
could wish for ; from the windows charming views could 
be obtained of Washington, which was now vastly en- 
nobled in aspect, compared to what it had been at the 
time of Lee's birth. The estate was extensive, and he 
had a large number of slaves.f 

Alabama). Here is a short extract : — ' Among the most prominent of the 
engineers were Captain Lee and Captain Mason, the former serving at 
General Scott's head-quarters, and the latter at those of General Worth. 
The services of Captain Lee were invaluaLle to his chief. Endowed with a 
mind which had no superior in his corps, and possessing great energy of cha- 
racter, he examined, counselled and advised, with a judgment, tact and dis- 
cretion, worthy of all praise. His talent for topography was peculiar, and he 
seemed to receive impressions intuitively which it cost other men much 
labour to acquire.' — Semmes, Campaign of General Scott in 3/(?.-rzco (Cincin- 
nati, 1852), p. 267. 

* Scott, Official Keport. General Scott always retained a high opinion 
of Lee. In his autobiography, written in the closing scenes of his life, 
amidst the changes of civil war, the veteran still dwells with pleasure on the 
services of Captain Lee, under him, in Mexico. 

t It seems necessary that a statement contained in the British Quarterly 
Bevicw of October 2, 1865, should be briefly referred to. In the article 
therein on his ' Impressions of America,' by the editor (Dr. Yaughan — a 
champion of the South during the war), a story is told of General Lee, 
which, if entirely true, cannot but considerably lessen the respect with which 
in every other phase of his life he is to be regarded. Slaves he held under 
the will of some member of the Custis family were, by that document, to be 
emancipated. Lee construed it — no doubt correctly — as enforcing their 
servitude for five years under him. This caused ill feeling ; and some of the 
slaves attempting to leave, were harshly dealt with, even a female slave re- 
ceiving by his express orders a severe flogging. Such is the story related, 



Ch. L 



LEE AND ' OLD JOHN BROAVN.' 



43 



All his conditions of life were pleasant ; he was uni- 
versally looked up to as one of the leading gentlemen of 
that part of Virginia, and he had also what was a dis- 
tinction all through America — a collateral family connec- 
tion with Washington. 

In the year 1852 Lee's regiment was ordered to Xew 
Mexico. It does not appear, however, that he accompanied 
it, as, on September 1, he was appointed superintendent of 
the West Point Military Academy. There he was sta- 
tioned three years, and in 1855 he was promoted to a 
cavalry regiment (the 2nd). This regiment was employed 
chiefly against the Indians of Texas, up to 1860. In 
much of the period Lee appears to have resided at 
Arlington, and while there, in the close of the year 1859, 
he is brought dramatically to our notice in connection 
with the ' Harper's Ferry Raid ' of ' Old John Brown.' 
Colonel Lee headed the party of United States Marines 
which surrounded the engine-house in Harper's Ferry, 
where the fanatical old abolitionist had ensconced him- 
self. Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart acted as his aide. Lee, 
whose temperament seems much to resemble the perfect 
calmness of Washington, made not the least sign of his 
personal feelings upon the raid. His manner is merely 
described to us as cold and severe. He protected Brown 
from the violence of the mob during the first moments 
after his capture, but was glad to turn over the custody 

as far as I am aware in the cited periodical only. Eut that the authority 
is so respectable it should not be mentioned here at all, nor can I reconcile 
myself to the idea that G-eneral Lee acted in the manner described. It 
seems to me more likely that Dr. Vanghan was wholly or partially deceived. 
Had it been a fact, would not some of the Northern newspapers have pub- 
lished it during the war, to the detriment of Lee the Eebel, in European 
circles? I can only addon this subject that Lee's testimony before the re- 
construction committee, after the war, shows that he had reasonable opinions 
on the nature of the negro. Eeport, March 27, 1866. 



44 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. 



Ch. I. 



of him to Mr. R. Ould, United States District Attorney, 
and then immediately returned home."^ 

In the month of November 1860, Lee received the 
news — probably while stationed at San Antonio, Texas — 
of the election of Mr. Lincoln as President of the United 
States. Days passed by, and as the forecast shadows of 
coming strife g^ew deeper over the American Republic, 
and State after State were secedinor and formine: a Southern 
Confederacy, Lee's attention was turned fixedly to the 
course of action which his own native State was falling 
into; and on April 17, 1861, Virginia passed an ordi- 
nance of secession. Lee felt personally — we have his own 
record for it — neither wish for nor belief in the necessity 
of secession ; but from a paramount idea of duty and de- 
votion to bis State, he deemed himself bound to leave the 
United States army as soon as Virginia should be out of 
the Union, and to aid in Virginia's defence should she be 
attacked. He sent in his resignation of his commission 
in the United States army, accompanying it with the fol- 
lowing letter to General Scott. Another, which we give 
also below — despatched the same day to his sister, a lady 
residing in the North — shows excellently the sentiments 
which were working in his mind. 

' Arlington, Virginia, April 20, 1861. 

* General, — Since my interview with you on the 18th 
instant I have felt that I ought not longer to retain my 
commission in the army. I therefore tender my resigna- 
tion, which I request you will recommend for acceptance. 
It would have been presented at once but for the struggle 
it has cost me to separate myself from a service to which 

* Pollard, Lee and his Lieutenants (New York, 1867), p. 46. Southern 
Generals (London, 1865). Harper's Weekly, March 14, 1863. Redpath, 
Life of John Brown (London, 1800). 



Ch. L 



LEE ' GOES WITH HIS STATE.' 1861. 



45 



I have devoted all the best years of my life, and all the 
ability I possessed. 

* During the whole of that time, more than a quarter of 
a century, I have experienced nothing but kindness from 
my superiors, and the most cordial friendship from my 
comrades. To no one. General, have I been as much in- 
debted as to yourself, for uniform kindness and consider- 
ation, and it has always been my ardent desire to merit 
your approbation. I shall carry to the grave the most 
grateful recollections of your kind consideration, and 
your name and fame will ever be dear to me. 

'Save in defence of my native State, I never again 
desire to draw my sword. Be pleased to accept my most 
earnest wishes for the continuance of your happiness and 
prosperity, and believe me, most truly yours, 

R. E. Lee. 

' Lteutenant-Generai- Winfield Scott, 
Commanding United States Army.' 

'Arlington, Virginia, April 20, 1861. 

' My deae Sister, — I am grieved at my inability to 
see you. ... I have been waiting " for a more convenient 
season," which has brought to many before me deep and 
lastino; reo;ret. Now we are in a state of war which wall 
yield to nothing. The whole South is in a state of revo- 
lution, into w^hich Virginia, after a long struggle, has 
been drawn ; and though I recognise no necessity for this 
state of things, and would have forborne and pleaded to 
the end for redress of grievances, real or supposed, yet in 
my own person I had to meet the question whether I 
should take part against my native State. AVith all my 
devotion to the Union, and the feeling of loyalty and 
duty of an American citizen, I have not been able to 
make up my mind to raise my hand against my relatives, 
my children, my home. I have therefore resigned my 



/ 



46 GKANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. I. 



commission in the army, and, save in defence of my 
native State, with the sincere hope that my poor services 
may never be needed, I hope I may never be called on to 
draw my sword. 

' I know you will blame me, but you must think as 
kindly of me as you can, and believe that I have en- 
deavoured to do what I thought right. To show you the 
feeling and struggle it has cost me, I send a copy of my 
letter to General Scott, which accompanied my letter of 
resignation. I have no time for more. . . . May God 
guard and protect you and yours, and shower upon you 
every blessing, is the prayer of your devoted brother, 

' E. E. Lee.' 

This letter of General Lee to his sister is very interest- 
ing ; and, viewed by the light of the mighty severance and 
strife which followed, and the sacrifices Lee was making, 

, is truly affecting. At the same time it is strange to see 
Lee ^ recognising no necessity for this state of things,' i.e. 
a rebellion, throwing up his ' devotion to the Union ' 
merely for sentiment. It would appear, then, that had 
Virginia not seceded, Lee would not have resigned ; and, 
from all we can gather from both the above letters, would 
have drawn his sword against all the rest of the Southern 
States which had seceded. 

The interview between Lee and General Scott on 
April 18 had been very affecting. General Scott did all 

* he could to keep Lee from throwing up his service to the 
Union, It is said a very high command was ready for 
Lee had he adhered to the Northern cause. But, though 
it grieved him to part as he did, Scott's entreaties had no 
effect. Lee went with his State, and it was worth a rein- 
forcement of 20,000 men to the Confederacy.* 

* Pollard, Lee and his Lieutenaiits. Southern Generals, &c. 



Ch. I. 



LEE AND GENEEAL SCOTT. 



47 



In the first year of the war Lee played no prominent 
part. Soon after his resignation his estate on Arlington 
Heights, opposite Washington, was seized by the Federal 
Government as the property of a Rebel. In the summer 
Lee accepted a commission in the Confederate army, was 
breveted a general, and was stationed for some time in 
Western Virginia, to hold in check a Federal force under 
General Rosencrantz. This he did eifectually, yet with 
no great brilliancy of strategy. The war during the 
latter half of 1861, after the battle of Bull Run, took, as 
we have seen, a very languid course in Virginia. Lee 
was invested with a nominal rank, which made him a sort 
of military adviser to President Davis : and this he held 
when, in the spring of 1862, M^Clellan's approach to 
Richmond by the Yorktown peninsula brought on the 
brunt of war. The disablement of General Johnstone at 
the battle of Fair Oaks caused the appointment of Lee to 
the chief command of the army defending Richmond, and 
the wonderful rout of M'Clellan in the seven days' battle 
first brought the name of Lee prominently before the 
world. 

In person General Lee is, by all accounts, represented 
as in appearance and bodily energy a magnificent speci • 
men of a man. Fifty-three summers had, in 1861, 
silvered his hair ; and his profuse beard, whiskers, and 
moustache endowed him with the venerable appearance 
of age ; but the stiff and upright bearing of his tall and 
stalwart form, and the eagle glance of his bright brown 
eyes, attested that in strength and intellect he was in the 
very prime of manly power. He was about six feet two 
inches in height, and is said to have weighed over two 
hundred pounds, with no ' superfluous flesh.' His face, 
well cut, at once pleasing and majestic, had in it at 
times a jovial look, which when evoked seemed exactly 



48 GE ANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. I. 



suited to it, but in o^eneral his manners were o-rave and 
reticent. All who visited him were impressed by the 
antique courtesy of his bearing, combined with an un- 
affected childlike cordiality, utterly distinct from the 
assumed complaisance of town-residing men. Camping 
in the field. General Lee's head-quarters were not sur- 
rounded by any of the insignia of rank and official para- 
phernalia which would invest most European generals of 
his grade ; yet no one approached his presence without a 
respect to the full as visible, and perhaps more genuine, 
than has been shown to many princes. General Lee had 
three sons who speedily entered in the Confederate army. 
Two were cavalry officers, the third — it is said by General 
Lee's express desire — served for some time as a private 
soldier. The comparison had already begun to be in- 
stituted of General Lee with Washington. His manners as 
the commander of an army, and in all official respects, do 
indeed sliow much resemblance to the ' Father of his 
Country.' General Lee never gave vent to such expres- 
sions of hatred to, or disgust at the Northerners, as very 
many of his ^ fire-eating ' subordinates indulged in. He 
never called them ' the Yankees,' but generally simply 
' the enemy.' On one occasion he passed by his son 
serving as a private, during an engagement, who gave an 
affectionate shout. ^ That's right, my son,' said the gene- 
ral ; ' keep those people back.' * 

* Pollard, Lee and his Lieutenants, p. 119. This clear and lively 
Southern historian gives another anecdote which illustrates further the 
amiability of Lee's character, and also the contrary qualities of some of his 
officers : — ' General Lee was standing near his lines conversing with two of 
his officers, one of whom was known to be not only a hard fighter and a 
hard swearer, but a cordial hater of the Yankees. After a silence of some 
moments the latter officer, looking at the Yankees with a dark scowl on his 
face, exclaimed most emphatically, " I wish they were all dead." General 
Lee, with the grace and manner peculiar to himself, replied, " How can you 
say so, General ? Now I wish they were all at home, attending to their 



Ch. I. 



GENEEAX LEE. 



49 



Such, was the man who — left by the death of Stonewall 
Jackson without any then apparent rival in arms on the 
American continent — was, in the spring of 1863, recog- 
nised by the world as the prop and mainstay of the 
Confederate States. A long roll of victorious and well- 
planned campaigns justified this opinion ; bnt the time 
was now coming when, for the first time, Southern 
prowess began to be overclouded by serious defeat. 
Influenced by the wishes of the President and politicians 
of the South, and deeming it expedient, in order to reap 
the full fruits of the victory of Chancellorsville, to resume 
the offensive. General Lee, possessing himself a veteran 
and victorious army, and having only a defeated foe op- 
posed to him, resolved to cross the Potomac again, and, 
repeating the expedition of the past year, carry the war 
into the North. A month's rest amply sufificed for all 
the arrangements of commissariat, armament, and changes 
produced by deaths and wounds in the battle of Chancel- 
lorsville ; and about the end of May an order from the 
general informed his army that it was to prepare for 
* long and rapid marches in a difficult country, where 
they would be without the assistance of railroads.' 

The Army of Northern Virginia — as the Confederate 
force was officially designated — comprised, with all the 
reinforcements which regard for the defensive necessities 
of the other regions of the South allowed Lee to gather 
to it, for his expedition, about 90,000 men. The prin- 
cipal officers at its head, and on whom Lee depended for 
the execution and seconding of his plans, were Generals 
Ewell, Longstreet, and A. P. Hill, each of whom com- 

own business and leaving us to do the same." He then moved off ; when 
the first speaker, waiting until he was out of earshot, turned to his com- 
panion and in the most earnest tone said, " I would not say so before 
General Lee, but I wish they were all dead and in hell." ' — P. 120. 

E 



50 GEANT'S CAIilPAIGN AGAINST EICH:]iIOXD. Ch. I. 



manded a corps ; while the cavalry force was led by the 
dashing Stuart, assisted by Fitzhugh Lee, nephew of the 
chief commander. 

The Federal statesmen and generals knew that the 
Confederates were organising a movement, but Lee so 
adroitly covered the evolutions of his Army that they 
were in complete uncertainty as to its object or direction. 
General Hooker, still in command of the Army of the 
Potomac, though he had noticed that his enemy had 
been moving troops off in a westerly direction, and 
though he had pushed out some reconnaissances to dis- 
cover if he was crossing the Rappahannock higher up, 
was completely deceived by the unchanged aj^pearance 
of the lines in his front, and did not venture on hazarding 
any change in the position of his own army till absolute 
necessity forced it on him. It was not till Lee had made 
all his dispositions, and his advance, pushed up the Shen- 
andoah Yalley, was striking the first blow at Winchester 
(June 13), that the Federal general discovered where his 
enemy really was. Lee's army was distributed in three 
great bodies ; the corps of A. P. Hill only was now left 
on the Rappahannock. The greater portion of the army 
was on the march. General Ewell, with his corps, had 
entered the Shenandoah Valley, crossing the Blue Ridge 
Mountains by a gap near the village of Front Royal ; 
and Longstreet's corps, with Stuart's cavalry. General 
Lee had placed about the small town of Culpepper, thus 
flanking the Federal army, and intermediate between 
Hill and Ewell. On June 13 General Ewell closed 
round the town of Winchester, the capital of the Yalley, 
drove the Federal troops into the town, and the next day 
carried it by storm. The Union general, who had about 
seven thousand men and fortifications of some strength, 
but was, no doubt, considerably outnumbered, fled with- 



Ch. I. 



SECOND INVASION OF THE NOETH. 



51 



out attempting to rally his troops, of which many were 
captured and the rest dispersed in various directions. It 
was a repetition of what had occurred there thirteen 
months before ; and curiously enough the Confederates 
under Ewell comprised the old troops of Stonewall Jack- 
son which had been then engaged, whilst Milroy's army 
re-enacted Banks' flight to the life. It seemed a simili- 
tude of auspicious augury for the Confederates, who — 
there being no force to oppose them — immediately took 
possession of Martinsburg, twenty-five miles further 
north, and advanced to the banks of the Upper Potomac. 
By these operations General Lee reported that he cap- 
tured, at the expense of but slight loss, ^ more than four 
thousand prisoners, twenty-nine pieces of artillery, two 
hundred and seventy waggons and ambulances, with 
four hundred horses, besides large amounts of military 
stores.' ^ 

As Ewell's corps progressed towards the North, the 
corps of Longstreet and of A. P. Hill moved after it at 
supporting distance. The last-named general had seen 
Hooker's army withdraw from his front on the 14th, 
taking a parallel course to that of Lee's main body, in 
order to keep between it and Washington. Hill's corps 
now defiled into the Shenandoah Valley, and Longstreet 
and Stuart stood before the passes of the Blue Bidge. 
These were assailed near Upperville on the 17th, and 
a cavalry fight took place, and was renewed also on the 
following day ; the growing efficiency of the Federals 
in that branch of the service, in which, during the early 
part of the war, the Southerners had so much outshone 
them, was demonstrated. The combat was fiercely con- 
tested, and both sides were alternately compelled to 
retire ; but the advantage, if it could be said to incline 

* Lee's Official Eeport of Gettysburg Campaign. 



52 



GRAFT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICIBIOND. Ch. I. 



to either party, rested with the Federals. This fight, 
however, had little influence on the issues of the cam- 
paign. The entire Federal army was now in a position 
before Washington, where General Hooker for a few 
days halted it, and sullenly watched for the next de- 
velopment of the enemy's plans, as to which he seemed 
still profoundly bewildered. , 

Meanwhile the vanguard of Lee's army was crossing 
the Potomac, and dismay was spreading through the 
North. A small force, chiefly cavalry attached to Ewell's 
corps, had indeed crossed immediately after the capture 
of Winchester (June 15), and now, the Federals seeming 
in no hurry to bring on an engagement. General Lee 
moved over his whole army. Crossing the Potomac in 
two places, Williamsport and Shepherdstown, the Con- 
federates occupied Hagerstown, in Maryland, and then 
continuing their march across the ten mile width of that 
curiously defined State, they trod the soil of Pennsylvania 
(June 20 to 26). Chambersburg, Shippensburg, and 
Carlisle, were successively occupied, and there was no- 
thing but the broad Susquehanna, and some hastily 
thrown up fortifications, to keep Harrisburg — a consider- 
able city, and the ofiicial capital of the State — from fall- 
ing into the hands of the Rebels. The inhabitants of the 
place, in fact, sent off their valuable goods by rail, and 
many even left the city ; but it was not for Harrisburg 
alone that the people of the North felt alarmed. The 
position which the invader had now assumed inspired a 
universal dread among the great cities of the neighbour- 
hood. Panic fear, which never stops to reason, did not 
hesitate to believe that he was aiming to capture both 
Washington and Baltimore ; nay, Philadelphia, too, 
trembled at his approach; and distant Pittsburg, the 
Birmingham of America, which, upwards of a hundred 



Ch. I. 



GENERAL MEADE. 



53 



miles to the west of his position, far removed from all 
previous regions of hostilities, might surely have felt at 
ease, believed itself menaced — did not know but that the 
peculiar attraction of its wares might bring on it a visit 
from an army anxious to acquire arms and ammunition. 
Taking Hagerstown as the position of his main body, 
Lee was now sixty miles to the north-west of Washing- 
ton, fifty miles west of Baltimore, a city which was sup- 
posed to abound with ^ Rebel sympathisers,' and not much 
more than a hundred miles from the great city of Phila- 
delphia, the second in the United States. 

In this alarming state of things, the President and 
Cabinet at Washington might well be anxious to rid the 
country of this enemy. His repulse in the invasion a 
year before gave them some encouragement to hope for 
success this time, and they adopted a course of action 
similar to their former one, by superseding the G-eneral 
in command of the Army of the Potomac and substituting, 
not indeed M^Clellan (whose services were still at their 
disposal if called for), but an officer not unlike that 
General in character, though older in years if not in ex- 
perience. 

The change was made on the 28th, when the Army of 
the Potomac, following the enemy's march, had arrived 
at the tovm of Frederick, in Maryland. An order from 
Washington gave the command to General G. G. Meade. 
The superseded ^ fighting Joe Hooker' took leave of the 
army by issuing an address in which he ingenuously de- 
clared ' that he was impressed with the belief that his use- 
fulness as commander of the Army of the Potomac was im- 
paired.' The new general, a West Point graduate, and an 
officer in the old regular army (as was Hooker), had been 
long associated with the Army of the Potomac; had dis- 
tinguished himself at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, 



64 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOXD. Ch. I. 



and was respected by his subordinates as a steady, 
trustworthy soldier of modest, unassuming manners. He 
resolved to close with the enemy at once, and set his troops 
on the march the same day. 

The Confederate leaders had only just received the in- 
telligence of the change in the chief opposed to them, and 
acknowledo^ed the new complexion which it mio^ht crive to 
the coming struggle, when a scout brought word that the 
Federal army was on the move, and would soon be press- 
ing on their rear. General Lee had then somewhat dis- 
persed his army, a portion being at Chambersburg, another 
at Carlisle, preparing to assault Harrisburg, and detach- 
ments pushed out to scour the country on the east and 
west. General Stuart's cavalry also was not with him, 
having, according to instructions, been kept on the south 
side of the Potomac till the Federals crossed, and it was 
now foUomng their rear. However, being quite mlling 
for battle. General Lee immediately concentrated his 
troops, directing Ewell at Carlisle to move by a road due 
south, and Lono^street and Hill from Chambersburs; east 
on the little town of Gettysburg (Adams County), each 
movement constituting about a day's march. Had Lee 
known how near his enemy now was, he would probably 
have hastened the march to the utmost of his power, for 
there was an important position to be secured. 

The leading divisions of Hill's and Longstreet's corps 
were in view of Gettysburg on the morning of July 1, and 
were moving on to enter it, when they perceived several 
regmients under the Union flag advancing on them from 
the town. It was the vanguard of Meade's army, with 
Heynolds, one of the most distinguished of his subordi- 
nates, at its head. Hill's divisions immediately opened a 
fire of artillery and musketry, and the great and memor- 
able battle of Gettysburg was begun. The Federals were 



Ch. I. 



BATTLE OF GETTYSBUEa. 



55 



hot for tlie figlit, and their general eagerly led them on, 
without stopping to speculate as to the probable numbers 
of the enemy he was about to engage. He paid for his 
rashness with his life. By pressing forward he had placed 
his corps on a wooded ridge, and was urging a regiment 
forward to the support of his right, when he received a 
musket bullet in the neck, and with a wild cry of ^ Good 
God ! I am killed ! ' the unfortunate Reynolds rolled 
death-stricken to the ground. On the Confederate 
side, E well's troops now came up, and the Federals 
were out-numbered ; they beat a hasty retreat for their 
main body, which Meade, much annoyed at the precipi- 
tate movement of his advanced detachment, was carefully 
placing in a strong position a little to the south of Gettys- 
burg. 

General Ewell had kept up a running attack on them 
as they fell back ; and although they fought manfully, 
giving blow for blow, they were driven through Gettys- 
burg, and would have been pushed further on had not 
orders come to Ewell from the rear to stop the pursuit. 
Thus ended, to the disadvantage of the Federals, the first 
day of battle, fought, it appears, contrary to the intentions 
and without the supervision of the chief commander of 
either army. 

General Lee now found that his antagonist, possessed 
of a strong position, would only fight on the defensive. 
To withdraw the Confederate army into Virginia again 
without striking a blow was out of the question ; to ad- 
vance further into the North with Meade's army un- 
touched in his rear would be madness. Nothino- remained 
but to attack the Federals in their position, a movement 
in which he saw many difficulties, but which the favour- 
able issue of the first day's fighting, and the consequent 
high spirits of his troops, encouraged him to hope would 



56 



GEA^'T'S CA3IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOXD. 



Ch. I. 



be successful. The Federal army occupied a liorseslioe- 
shaped ridge of hills to the south-east of Gettysburg, the 
range being from two to three miles in length, and ter- 
minating at either end in a steep sugar-loaf peak, which 
gave thorough protection for each flank. The centre of 
their line was a hill which held the Gettysburg cemetery, 
and which ere nio-htfall was to have more dead and dvinor 
men lying about its slopes than the graves with which 
the small population of Gettysburg had hitherto furnished 
it numbered. It was not till four in the afternoon that 
the second day's battle commenced, the morning having 
passed by in preparations (second day, July 2). To turn 
the left of the Federal army was General Lee's plan, and 
for this purpose the best divisions of his own right were 
ordered forward. Longstreet himself — whom perhaps we 
may call the ^ bravest of the brave,' Lee's Xey — led them 
on, for two of his subordinate generals were shot down 
and disabled almost the instant they set forward. As he 
took his place at their head, an enthusiastic cheer broke 
forth from the ranks, and ^vith the exhortation of ^ Cheer 
less, men, and fight more,' the General led them nght up 
the sloping ground, careless of the raking fire which the 
Federals poured on the advancing columns. But the 
charge thus gallantly made, successful as it was in its 
primary object, led to no real advantage. The front por- 
tion of the Federal left was carried, but there was one 
as strong behind, and a diversion which Lee's other corps 
made durins; tliis ao'ainst the centre and rio-ht resulted in 
nothing but bloodshed on both sides. Begun, as we have 
said, at four o'clock, the contest lasted till about nine, 
Avhilst some firing was kept up still later. Both armies 
knew that the combat must be resumed on the morrow. 
General Meade held a council of his officers at midnight, 
and with him they decided on holding their position at all 



Ch. I. 



BATTLE OF QETTYSBUEG. 



57 



risks. At tlie battle of Antietam, in wliich the tide of 
invasion had been pushed back once before, General 
M^Clellan had said in determined tones, ^ If we cannot 
whip the Kebels here, we may just as well all die on the 
field.' And that was the spirit which now animated 
Meade, his officers, and his whole army. Every man 
seemed nerved vrith. double spirit, and resolved on fighting 
manfully to defend his home, restore the Union, and free 
the slave."^ 

(Third day, July 3.) Whilst it was yet grey dawn the 
bloody work began ; for the Confederates, impatient and 
ill-satisfied with the fortunes of the previous evening, 
abridged the few hours' rest which they might have taken 
to quench the anxiety in their minds by the excitement 
of desperate action. Lee now directed his efforts on the 
Federal right, endeavouring to carry the It^fty mount at 
its end, from which, if occupied, he could shell the centre. 
But Meade, vigilant, brought his reserved artillery into 
impromptu position on Cemetery Hill, whence, playing on 
the storming parties of the enemy ascending the opposite 
mount, it greatly encumbered their movements. All the 
Federal troops, too, stood up desperately against their as- 
sailants, and on Meade's sendinor some reinforcements also 

The majority of the inhabitants of the Gettysburg district of Penn- 
sylyania have been much reproached by American chroniclers for the 
apathetic spirit they exhibited during the invasions by the Eebels. They 
•were most oi them 'Dutch' (the common American term for the descend- 
ants of Germans), and they are represented to us as wholly wrapped up in 
thoughts of ' gelt,' or substance. During the Confederate occupation the 
very natural vexation they felt at having their stock or provisions seized 
and paid for in Confederate money only, was displayed in such an extreme 
manner as to become ludicrous. Colonel Fremantle witnessed a number 
of good farming ladies crying out, in accents of despair, ' Oh, good 
heavens, now they're killing our fat hogs. "Wliere is the general ? where is 
the great officer ? Our milch cows are now going ! ' — Three Mouths in the 
Southern States, April-June, 1863. 



58 



GEANT'S CAJVIPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. I. 



at eleven o'clock tliey were forced to retire. The Con- 
federate leaders were hot and exasperated, and General 
Ewell is said to have sworn with a great oath, ' that he 
would break through those Yankee lines.' Their chief 
commander alone remained unruffled, indomitable, and 
cheerful. After two hours' cessation from firing. General 
Lee prepared for a last great effort ; and to cover the as- 
sault, although his supplies of ammunition were not so 
ample as they should have been, the whole of his artillery, 
125 cannon, opened fire on the Federal left and centre. 
Then the reserves of Hill's and Longstreet's corps — about 
16,000 men, including a body of 4,000 valiant Virginians 
under Pickett — advanced on the Federal lines. They 
crossed the intervening space of open meadow, and rushed 
des])erately up the slopes of the ridge, exposed all the 
while to a terrible fire of artillery and musketry. It was 
the battle of Fredericksburg reversed — that fatal Federal 
repulse was avenged. Struggling again and again to reach 
the summit of the ridge, the Confederate ranks were 
deluged with shot and shell ; the standards were riddled 
with balls, and then, as confusion spread, abandoned to 
the Federals ; officers and generals fell by twos and threes, 
brigades were almost annihilated. The attempt was vain, 
it was clear, and Longstreet drew the troops back as best 
he could from the fatal heights. At five o'clock firing 
had ceased, and the battle of Gettysburg was over.* 

* A Northern versifier thus portrays the Eebel attack, and the Federal 
crisis and victory : — 

' At Gettysburg how finely they came, 

Arms right, shoulder-shift, quick step and guide right, 
Eesponding to all our clangor and flame ; 

With only their yell as they breasted the height, 
The charging blood in their upturned faces, 
And the living filling the dead men's places ! 



Ch. L 



BATTLE 0"F GETTYSBUEG. 



59 



The Federals knew not the same night that their task 
was finished. Southern accounts of the battle have in- 
deed imputed to the Federal general such irresolution as 
that he contemplated, on the morning of the 4th, giving 
orders to retreat on Baltimore. But General Meade 
knew very well now that he could hold his own, and he 
was confident that the victory was already his, only he 
was too cautious to hazard, by a precipitate advance to 
cut up a presumed departed enemy, the renown which he 
had now fairly earned. All day of the 4th the Confede- 
rates presented an unchanged appearance in his front. 
But retreat had been decided on, and they were only 
waiting for the darkness to put it in execution. The 
bearino; of General Lee on the nio^ht of the 3rd was ex- 
cellent under his heavy defeat. He had spoken words 
of comfort to all his men who passed by him : ^ All this 
will come right in the end,' he said, * but in the meantime 
all good men must rally. We want all good and true men 
just now,' To one of his generals, Avho came up with tears 
in his eyes to relate the rout of his brigade, he said gravely 
and nobly, ' Never mind ; all this has been my fault, and 
you must help me to mend it.' To the English officer 
who was watching him with admiration, he remarked, 
' This has been a sad day for us. Colonel — a sad day ; but 
we can't expect to win victories always.' This excellent 
conduct of their chief restored the spirit of the Confede- 
rates as nothing else would have restored it ; and thus it 
was that on the 4th they were in fairly good condition 

The continent trembled, the century reeled, 

When Longstreet paused on the brow of the hill ; 

Another brigade might have given the field 
To slavery, treason, and ages of ill ; 

The heroes who held that last stone wall 

Saved freedom, mankind, from a woful fall.' 

J. W. De Forest, in Harjper''s Monthly, March, 1866. 



60 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. I. 



again as regarded composure and obedience. With a 
heavy heart, despite his outward philosophy. General Lee 
gave orders to break up his camp ; and column by column 
the depressed, but not yet despairing Confederates, turned 
their backs on the field of Gettysburg, and took the road 
to the South once more.* 

With this memorable battle closes the third act of the 
great drama of the war. It was the 4th of July — the most 
reverenced day in the American calendar — the anniver- 
sary of the Independence of the United States — and the 
Army of the Potomac had for the first time in its exist- 
ence struck a tellino^ blow at the oro^anisation formed to 
sever the Union. Nerved with the same consciousness 
that they were fighting on their own soil, in front of their 
own hearths, which had preserved them from defeat at 
Antietam, the Northerners had this time fought to far 
more purpose than in that barren victory. For — 

I. In the material effects of the Gettysburg campaign 
on the strength of both armies, the proportions were, as 
numbers go, about equal. In the Federal returns their 
own losses are estimated at 23,186, viz. : killed, 2,834 ; 
wounded, 13,709 ; missing, 6,643 (in which is included 
the 4,000 men of Milroy's command, whose capture opened 
the campaign). The Confederate loss, correctness as to 
which is more difficult to attain, we may — following the 
able military critic on Lee's campaigns. Colonel C. C. 
Chesney — set down as about 20,000. Northern autho- 
rities have estimated it as high as 25,000. The Federals 

^ New York Herald, Times, World, and Tribune. Baltimore Ainerican. 
Swinton, Canvpaigns, of the Army of the Potomac (New York, 1866). 
Twelve Decisive Battles of the War (New York, 1867). Coffin, Foitr 
Years of Fighting (Boston, 1866). Fremantle, Three Months in the South- 
ern States. Pollard, Third Year of the War in America. Chesney, Cam- 
paigns in Virginia and Maryland. Fletcher, History of the American Civil 
War (London, 1865). 



Ch. L 



EESULTS OF GETTYSBURG-. 



61 



lost most heavily on the first day of the battle ; a sepa- 
rate balance for the second and third days would show a 
great preponderance of loss for the Confederates. But 
the putting such a number of the best troops of the 
South hors cle combat was — though paid for by an equal 
or slightly greater sacrifice — an immense gain to the 
North, which had a far larger population to give volun- 
teers or conscripts, foreign recruits to swell its ranks, 
and of whose army many of those who fell would have 
soon, on the terms of their enlistment, claimed their dis- 
charge. Just after the battle a suggestive little paragraph 
appeared in the miscellaneous columns of the newspapers 
— ^ The whole of the white population of the Confede- 
racy numbers 4,685,800. The population of the State of 
Pennsylvania, which General Lee recently invaded, is 
2,850,000.' There were twenty other loyal Northern 
States, besides the invaded one, of which New York 
alone, with its 3,900,000, or Ohio, with its 2,330,000, 
would have turned the numerical balance. The inference 
was obvious. 

II. The moral consequences of this Federal victory 
were immense, and almost defy calculation. What would 
have taken place had Lee gained the victory presents a 
wide field for speculation, which would take up too much 
space and time to enter upon. And whether in that case 
Washington, the historic capital of the States, would have 
fallen or not into the invader's hands, would have de- 
pended probably on the state to which Meade's (suppo- 
sititious) defeated army might have been reduced. But 
with a hostile army successful, and directed by a compe- 
tent mind, in the ^ Keystone State' — as, from its central 
position, Pennsylvania is denominated — the whole fabric 
of the Northern States would have been menaced with the 
gravest calamities ; might have suffered a disrujition into 



62 



GRANT'S CAJVIPAIGN AGAINST EICIBIOND. 



Ch. I. 



east and west ; the old established Government might 
have been overturned, and the Union lost for ever. But 
now, with the Southern army driven back into Virginia, 
and the Army of the Potomac crowned with victory, the 
North was strengthened in its war policy, and the Govern- 
ment upheld in all its power. The South was debarred 
the hope of recognition by European Powers, in which it 
had indulged ; its military arrangements were thrown into 
confusion, and the strain on its resources grew every day 
heavier and heavier. 

III. The scale on which this war was waged was vast. 
The contending armies were many, and sjDread over the 
lono; leno'th of the line which, from the Atlantic to the 
Mississippi, marked the separation of men of the same 
race into deadly enemies. Down the Great River, south- 
ward also, a fierce struggle had been going on. For nigh 
a twelvemonth past the Northern army of the Wes,t had 
beleaguered the city of Vicksburg ; and on July 4, at 
the hour when the Southern army of Virginia was begin- 
ning its retreat from Gettysburg, the Southern flag on 
the Mississippi stronghold was being lowered, and the 
Union soldiers of the North-west were marching in. And 
from that day began the decline and fall of the Confede- 
rate States. 

The ill-success of the Army of Virginia, however, did 
not bring on it any further disasters at the time. NotAvitli- 
standino; a risino^ in the river Potomac, which obstructed 
his crossing for some days, General Lee accomplished his 
retreat in orderly style — a feat of great credit to him. It 
reflected little credit on the Federal leader, however, from 
whom — a victorious pursuer — the citizens of the North 
had expected nothing less than the capture or dispersion 
of the Rebel army. He made no attack while on the 
north bank of the Potomac, and in the manoeuvring 



Ch. I. 



THE CEISIS OF THE WAE. 



63 



between the two armies, as the one followed the other 
south again, he was outwitted, and obliged to content 
himself and his Government with reinstating the Army 
of the Potomac in its old position on the rivers Kappa- 
hannock and Rapidan. Two or three months rolled 
quietly away, during which Lee's army was on the soiith 
of the last-mentioned river, and Meade's on the north of 
the Rappahannock, with outposts stationed in the inter- 
vening county of Culpepper. In September the advance 
of a Federal army under Rosencranz, in the West, occa- 
sioned a portion of Lee's army to be transferred from 
Virginia to the distant scene of operations. To discover 
if this was the case, Meade led his army to Lee's imme- 
diate front, threatening the passage of the Rapidan. 
But on the news soon arriving that the western advance 
was checked, and Rosencranz's army in peril, the Federal 
leader was obliged in his turn to detach reinforcements 
for the West. Both armies being thus reduced. General 
Lee — though his forces were, it is probable, still a little 
less in number than his adversary's — deemed it a favour- 
able opportunity for another passage of arms, and com- 
menced a movement to turn the Federal right, with the 
express object of bringing on a general engagement. But 
General Meade thought not fit to accept battle, and giving 
way before all Lee's attempts at conflict, he fell back to 
the old battlefield of Bull Run, and the front of the forti- 
fications of Washington. Resting on these, he could of 
course defy all attack. General Lee, therefore, having 
destroyed the railroad on the line of march, retired to the 
Rappahannock. As soon as he had done so. General 
Meade, urged by his Government, which had been much 
mortified by the retreat to the gates of Washington, at- 
tempted in his turn an advance. After several hesitating 
movements and skirmishes, the army of the Potomac 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOND. Ch. L 



re-occupied and traversed Culpepper County, crossed the 
Rapidan, and marched to within sight of Lee's army, 
which was posted on a range of hills some miles south of 
the river. But Meade judged the position too strong to 
be attacked, and he led his army back again, with but 
little loss, but without having accomplished anything. 

Thus have we traced the chief events which marked, 
from the beginning of the war to the close of the year 
1863, the current of operations in Virginia and the con- 
tiguous Northern territory — the greatest and most influ- 
ential of the various fields of combat. We have seen all 
the eflPorts of five Federal commanders for the capture of 
Richmond completely frustrated ; we have seen how the 
military fame of the South rose higher and higher as its 
two great generals ran their astonishing career of victory, 
from the ^ Seven days ' to Chancellorsville, on the con- 
tinuous blaze of which the repulse of Antietam can scarcely 
be said to have cast a shadow; we have seen Lee, survivor 
of his companion-at-arms, playing a bold game for victory, 
encounter the great defeat of Gettysburg, yet effect a good 
retreat, check all Meade's hesitating advances, and the 
year close with perfect quietude reigning in both camps 
on the Rapidan. To all appearance the position of the 
combatants was still equal ; despite the death of Stonewall 
Jackson, the South still ranked first in military talent ; 
in the eyes of the world the memory of the Northern 
successes in the midsummer was obliterated by subse- 
quent inactivity, and European belief in Southern iminci- 
bility still flowed strong. But the actual prospects of the 
Confederacy at the Christmas of 1863 presented a marked 
change for the worse, compared with those of the pre- 
cedino; one. Europe saw it not. The Federals themselves, 
thouo-h imbued with a vague patriotic conviction that the 
Union must eventually triumph, had almost been brought 



Ch. I. 



COXFEDEEATE PEOSPECTS— 1863. 



65 



to the belief that Richmond was hnpregnable ; but the 
Southerners themselves felt, when they allowed them- 
selves to reflect, that their power was gradually growing 
weak. Meanwhile the determined Government of the 
North was preparing for the commencement of the next 
year's operations — another desperate and concentrated 
attack — the campaign which forms the subject of this 
work. 



p 



66 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICIDIOXD. Ch. II. 



CHAPTER 11. 

THE APPEARANCE, DISCIPLINE, ANB CAMP LIFE OF THE AEMT OF THE 
POTOMAC, AS ESTABLISHED ON THE EAPIDAN. 

Could a French or English officer of the latter days of 
Louis the XV. or Geora^e II. have come to hfe as^ain in 
1863, his first proceeding would have been to cross the 
Atlantic to see and studv the great war, not of kings', 
princes', or ministers' provoking, but of mighty meaning, 
and wao-ed for dio;nified ends. He would have made for 
the fair land of Virginia, associated in his ideas chiefly 
with stories of savage men and uncouth manners; vaguely 
connected with Braddock's defeat, and brave young militia 
officers (George Washington, 1755). There, wandering 
unseen by the banks of the Rappahannock, he would 
have beheld much that would seem familiar to him, much 
that would astonish and upset his old-fashioned military 
ideas, much that would be utterly beyond his compre- 
hension. 

The changes in the art of war have been great since 
the time when our imaginary inspector fought — great 
since the later and last European war epoch — since 
Napoleon's wars. The American contest — the first on an 
extensive, on a Continental scale, since Waterloo ended 
the mighty strife of Europe — has first put into practice 
and brought prominently before men's eyes the new prin- 
ciples and implements of warfare introduced by modern 
science. Independently of these novelties, the armies of 
America — from the peculiar circumstances of the strife, 



Ch. n. 



THE LINES OF THE EAPIDAN. 



67 



the constitution of their country, and their own habits 
and education — were invested with characteristics unknown 
to any other armed hosts. The Army of the Potomac 
presented these characteristics pre-eminently — it was the 
largest and most noted of the various organisations ; and 
if I can succeed in portraying adequately the various 
features of the military positions, the discipline, the camp 
life, of the host which was soon to march under Grant, 
the sketch will be well worthy of the reader's perusal and 
meditation. I approach the subject with diffidence ; for 
so many able miters have traced in vivid sketches their 
own impressions, from personal inspection of the Army of 
the Potomac, that I may justly doubt of success in con- 
densing, in one harmonious whole, the various records, 
and at the same time preserving the brilliant colouring 
which should give life to the picture. 

The river Rapidan, on either side of which the armies 
of the Potomac and of Northern Virginia lay, is a tributary, 
or rather is the southern branch, of the upper watercourse 
of the Kappahannock, into which it merges or joins with 
the northern branch (denominated the Rappahannock), 
ten miles above Fredericksburg. Having its rise in the 
Blue Ridge, and stretching due east towards the Chesa- 
peake Bay, this river formed the natural line of defence 
for South-eastern Virginia and the city of Richmond. 
Its waters are wide but somewhat shallow, offering many 
fording places ; the south bank, however, is high, and 
capable of defence. Along this the Confederate army 
was encamped, and it occupied, roughly speaking, the 
whole line of the river from Fredericksburo; to Orano;e 
Court House, the main body and General Lee's head- 
quarters being at the western end, in the neighbourhood 
of the last-named town. 

The Army of the Potomac, as the body in whose hands 

F 2 



68 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. II. 



the option of attack lay, did not maintain its lines so 
strictly on the course of the river, nor very near its 
banks. The pickets of the two armies were stationed 
opposite and parallel to each other, but the bulk of the 
Federal forces were in dispersed encampments, stretching 
a long way back from the Kapidan. Connection and 
means of speedy concentration were afforded by the 
Orange and Alexandria railroad, along which the vari- 
ous bodies were stationed ; and the disposition of the 
army, taken altogether, resembled somewhat an inverted 
T ; the horizontal line representing the main encamp- 
ment fronting the enemy on the Rapidan, and the per- 
pendicular one the superabundant troops stretching back 
along the railway. All along the iron road, indeed, from 
the camp to Alexandria, a distance of nearly sixty miles, 
small detachments of soldiers were stationed at regular 
intervals ; not so much as belonging to the army as for 
the purpose of protecting the road ; for though the portion 
of Virginian territory in the rear of the camp might be 
said to be conquered and ' loyal,' it was far from secure 
from sudden inroads. The American war, for the first 
time, gave the world an insight into the new tactics which 
the railway system of the present day must induce ; and 
whilst it showed the extraordinary advantages afforded 
for the conveyance of troops and stores, it was also ap- 
parent that a considerable force and constant vigilance 
are requisite to protect the lines from interruption and 
^ tearing-up ' by the light horse or ^ guerillas ' of an 
enemy. 

The preservation and constant use of the Orange 
and Alexandria railroad were to the Army of the Poto- 
mac all-important. By it went the whole of the vast 
stores daily forwarded to the Federal army. The 
Orange and Alexandria line I have called it, such having 



Ch. II. 



FEDEEAL COMMISSARLIT. 



69 



been its name before the war ; but, in the early days of 
the contest, the Government had seen the necessity of 
seizing this and various other lines adjacent to the scenes 
of operations, and it was thenceforward simply one of the 
^ United States Military Kailroads,' and worked entirely 
by Government.* No passengers, no Virginian farmers 
going north for their summer trip, now filled its cars. 
Save a few civilians Avho were attracted by business, 
pleasure, or curiosity, and were permitted by Secretary 
Stanton to visit the camp, its passengers were troops 
continually — troops going to the front, whence anon some 
of them, scarred and maimed, were to return in ^wounded 
trains.' But the momentous importance of the railroad 
is best attested by the simple remark aforesaid, that by it 
went the whole of the vast stores — the daily food of the 
Federal army. 

The commissariat of the Army of the Potomac appears 
to have been one of the best that history records. The 
organisation which attended to the manufacture, the pur- 
chase, and the forwarding of the materiel for the United 
States armies, was long in attaining perfection. The 
records of the contracts accepted by the Federal Govern- 
ment present a large and astonishing list of frauds ; yet 
the profuse accumulation of stores, and the facilities of 
transport, carried the day ; and the mean result was that 
the camps were magnificently provisioned. All through 
the war profusion was the order of the day — with the 
North, at least. 

For distribution, too, about the wide expanse of the 
camp, and for transportation when the army made a for- 

* At the close of the war in the spring of 1865, the Federal Grovernment 
was working on its own account 2,500 miles of railway, and had thereon 
387 engines and 6,000 cars; and 7,000 men were employed in the railway 
department. 



70 



GEANT'S CAIMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. II. 



ward movement and the railway extended no farther, an 
enormous baggage train attended. When the army was 
on the march, the long line of waggons clumsily follow- 
ing in the rear seemed interminable. Twenty or thirty 
miles, we are assured, this astonishing train measured — 
thirty continuous miles of waggons in motion, and some- 
times in a state of block-up. This appears amply borne 
out, when we find, in Secretary of War Stanton's report 
for the year 1864, that there were as many as 17,478 
waggons belonging to all the armies of the United States, 
ambulances, artillery-waggons, &c., not included. Having 
thus briefly alluded to the bright side of the manage- 
ment of the army supply, it must now be mentioned that 
there was also a dark side. Contract frauds were just 
now cursorily alluded to. Whilst the soldier fought, 
bled, and suflfered — whilst the Army of the Potomac was 
wrestling with rebellion — it might be supposed that the 
hearts of all Northern citizens would be aglow with pa- 
triotism and sympathy. So they were ; but a few were 
keenly alive also to the opportunities for ^ clever trading,' 
for roguery on a large scale, which, during the troublous 
times of their country, were afforded by contracts to 
supply its armies. Very early in the war a great thirst 
for contracts arose among the merchants — some wishing 
to serve their country and make honest profits, others 
anxious only to fill their own pockets. Washington was 
filled with adventurers of every grade, greedy for con- 
tracts, who insisted on pushing forward their tenders 
before the highest officials, and who intrigued for the 
goodwill of every senator or representative with whom 
they could claim acquaintance. The War and Navy De- 
partments were besieged with applicants, and the best 
qualities for a chef de bureau, it seemed, would be deaf- 
ness, blindness, and imperturbability. Of provisions is 



Ch. II. 



CONTRACT FRAUDS. 



71 



our theme, but the same vein of roguery ran through all 
the departments of supplies. The soldier shivered in 
shoddy clothing, or was drenched in leaky tents ; or, if a 
cavalry-man, found with disgust a broken-down old horse 
allotted for his mount. It was said also that the con- 
tractors made money out of horses in another fashion, 
and the dryly humorous Artemus Ward celebrates in one 
of his papers the excellent thing made by buying up old 
cavalry horses and then obtaining a contract for supply- 
ing the army of the with beef. But a real in- 
stance : in January 1863, there is stated to have been in 
the quartermaster's department at Washington con- 
demned clothing to the value of ^^1,280,000 (288,000/.), 
the quality of which was only found out when about to 
be issued, though it had been regularly inspected and 
passed the year before by the Government officials, and 
the contractors paid in full. Being unfit for use, this 
enormous batch of ^poor stuff' was turned over to the 
hospitals. * 

Now and again, however, the hand of justice closed 
upon some of the most daring of these robbers of the 
nation : the fraud was discovered before the claims were 
paid, and the shoddy contractor had his reward in several 
years' imprisonment in the Penitentiary. But an anec- 
dote has been told of a moral rebuke which one of these 
gentry met with, which, to a man of any feeling at all, 
must have struck shame and remorse far more certainly 
than any amount of Penitentiary moralising might arouse 
it. In a car or railway omnibus running along the street 
railroads of New York, one of the * shoddies ' was brag- 
ging, it is said, of his enterprises to one of his fellows 
seated opposite. ^ I hope,' said he, ' that the war may 
last six months longer. If it does, I shall have made 

* New York newspapers, January 1863. 



72 GRANT'S CA^klPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. II. 

enough to retire from business. In the last six months 
I've made a hundred thousand dollars — six months more, 
and I shall have enough.' Behind the inconsiderate and 
unfeeling speaker was seated a lady dressed in mourning, 
who necessarily heard his remark. When he had done, 
she tapped him sharply on the shoulder, and said, ' Sir, I 
had two sons — one of them was killed at the battle of 
Fredericksburg, the other was killed at the battle of 
Murfreesboro.' The passengers sitting near, who had 
witnessed the whole affair, instantly took up the lady's 
indignation, and seizing the man by the collar, pushed 
him hurriedly out of the car, as one not fit to ride with 
decent people."^ 

During the year 1863 the foes of the Union were in 
the habit of describing the composition of the Federal 
armies as in great part mercenary and foreign, instancing 
some German regiments and the Irish, the numbers of 
both of which they vastly overrated. It was not disputed 
that an unexampled fervour animated the population of 
the Northern States on the first outbreak of secession, 
and that the flower of its youth no less than that of the 
aristocratic South poured forth in the days of volunteer- 
ing. But in 1863 European critics favourable to the 
South put forward most extravagant statements of the 

* F. Moore, Aiiecdotcs, Voetry and Incidents of the War (New York, 

1866) . It is well to remark here that quite as much roguery occurred in 
the supply departments of the South as in the North, as the following ex- 
tract from a Southern authority will show : — ' A distinguished officer in the 
Confederate army, who had served in an honourable capacity in the war with 
Mexico, said, " I should think there are very few men who will be willing, 
after this war, to acknowledge that they served the Confederacy as a com- 
missary or quartermaster." Such constant use was made of the funds of the 
Government in outside speculations by those connected with the commis- 
sary and quartermaster's departments of the army that the wealth acquired 
in that way, or the sudden riches of those men even, excited suspicions of 
foul play.' — Eichnond during the War, by a Eichmond Lady (New York, 

1867) , p. 191. 



Ch. IL 



' FOEEIGX MEECEXAEIES.' 



73 



number of * foreio-n mercenaries ' in the armies of the 
Union. That there were many Irishmen and. a considerable 
number of Germans in the Federal service is a fact which 
no one ever gainsayed, but the proportions were far dif- 
ferent from those the aforesaid critics asserted them to 
bear to the native Americans. The bulk of the Irish 
were not * foreigners ' properly speaking, but men who 
had been many years settled in the States; many, in- 
deed, of the ' Irish mercenaries ' whom the critics reckoned, 
were perhaps born in the States, though their names and 
their habits even mio^ht retain a Milesian tino;e. The fol- 
lowing is given as the real proportions of native and 
foreign soldiers in the Federal armies : — 

Native Americans, 80 per cent. 
Naturalised do. 15 „ 
Foreigners . . 5 „ 

These proportions varied in different parts of the country. 
In the West the native Americans were close upon 90 
per cent., but in the Army of the Potomac, which we are 
describing, they were possibly a little less than 70 per 
cent.* 

But there were numbers of Irish in the Southern armies 
— Germans we ^vill not say ; though the notable instance 
of the doughty Captain Von Borcke, who has published 
some interesting memoirs, might furnish us with a basis 
for raising a figment of ^ German Confederates.' 

The majority of the civilians who inspected the camp 
on the Rapidan inform us that their first impression was 
somewhat of disappointment. The corps were too scattered, 
the arena too much interspersed with brushwood, to permit 
the vastness of the encampment to come visibly before the 
eyes ; and it was not till they had examined the details or 

* Mackenzie, America and her Army (London, I860). 



74 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOXD. Ch. II. 



made some sojourn with the army that they arrived at a 
due appreciation of its magnitude. To Europeans, also, 
there appeared in this Republican army a paucity of the 
military display customary in the Old World. In the 
midst of the encampment, on the summit of a little ac- 
clivity, stood the plain tent, simple as a European subal- 
tern's, occupied by the commanding general. Close by, in 
some unpretending buildings, distinguished by a flagstaff 
in their front, were the oflices of the chief quartermaster, 
dispenser of all the stores accumulated ; and around were 
grouped the tents of the officers of the staff. Five of the 
great bodies, for the nomenclature of which the Americans 
had adopted into their military phraseology the French 
term of ' Army corps,' composed, at the time we take up 
wdth it, the Army of the Potomac. It is strange that no 
modern nation has adopted the army denomination of 
legion ; most of the American army corps were as strong 
as, and many outnumbered the complement of, the Roman 
legion. The Army of the Potomac was made up, be- 
sides the slight foreign element, chiefly of New Eng- 
landers, 'New Yorkers and Pennsylvanians, although here 
and there Western regiments might be observed. The 
Western men generally exhibited somewhat more robust 
proportions than the men of the East ; more of the latter 
coming from great cities or their neighbourhood. Still, 
many of the New England men, especially the Yermonters, 
made a good show, both as respected size and height. The 
f jllowing is the official table for the year 1863-4 of the 
measurements of the whole army of the Union, East and 
West. 



Ch. II. 



FEDEEAL SOLDIERS. 



75 



state Average. 


Height. 


Measurement 
01 v^nebL, 




ft. 


in. 


in. 


New Hampshire 


5 


5-73 


34-62 


Vermont ..... 


5 


7-62 


36-5 


Massachusetts .... 


5 


6-74 


34 83 


New York .... 


5 


5-5 


35-90 


New Jersey .... 


5 


6'36 


34-87 


Pennsylvania .... 


5 


7-8 


34-93 


Delaware .... 


5 


5-0 


35-0 


Maryland .... 


5 


5-93 


35.42 


Minnesota .... 


5 


5-56 


36-1 


Kentucky .... 


5 


7-2 


35-36 


Ohio 


5 


6-4 


35-79 


Michigan 


5 


8-0 


36 


General average 


5 


6-64 


35-16 



For the sake of comparison it will be well to mention 
here the respective stature of French and English soldiers 
about the year 1860. Of the heights of the French army, 
then, more than 50 per cent, were between 5 feet 3 inches 
and 5 feet 6 inches ; 32 per cent, above 5 feet 6 inches, 
and 7 per cent, above 5 feet 8 inches. Of the English, 
49 per cent, were above 5 feet 6 inches, and 15 per cent, 
above 5 feet 8 inches.* One of the social products of 
the war has been the uprising of a distinctive type for 
the American soldier. There has not been any hitherto, 

* The reader would doubtless like to know also some statistics of the 
heights and measurement of the Southern soldiers, but I regret that I cannot 
give them. It appears likely, however, that Virginia yielded the palm to few, 
if any, in stature ; yet that the men of the "West in the South also ran big 
the following will show : — ' The troops from the northern portion of 
Louisiana and southern portion of Arkansas, in the vicinity of the Eed 
Kiver, were among the finest and most striking-looking men who appeared 
in the City (Kichmond, 1861). In a regiment of men from the Eed Eiver 
section, so numerous were those of immense size that they might have been 
supposed to have descended from a race of giants. Their usual height was 
six feet and over — very rarely under five feet ten inches — with massive 
shoulders and chests. They bore upon them not an inch of superfluous 
flesh.' — Richmond during the War, by aEichmond Lady, p. 37. 



76 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. 11. 



for the poor old ^ revolutionary heroes,' all now gone to 
their rest, or the remnant of those of 1812, present, it 
must be confessed, too ludicrous an aspect for the Ame- 
rican to cherish, or other nations to estimate them as 
genuine military men. The reader will understand what 
is meant, and may enliven these prosaic details by turn- 
ing to that graphic book ' Sam Slick,' and running over 
the pages in which Colonel Slick is introduced. But the 
American soldier will henceforth be a distinct present- 
ment, recognisable and comparable with the Trojans of 
the Old World. Tall and angular, as a rule — hard-featured 
and hard-headed, with somewhat of French swagger, 
grafted on a bottom of English determination — intelligent 
and educated, with a genius for command ; yet, what is 
remarkable, and contrary to the predictions of many, 
perfectly amenable to control. Such a deference to officers 
as prevails in European troops was not, it is true, to be 
found, nor attempted to be exacted from the citizen- 
soldiers of the Federal armies ; but as the war progressed, 
the ill habits which distinguished their early stage, and 
the gauclieries which occasionally cropped out, disappeared 
with the time and training which converted volunteers 
into veterans. The Federal troops acquired habits of 
discipline sufficiently decent and strict for all the practical 
purposes of war. A serious difficulty in 1861 and 1862 
had been lack of competent regimental officers, and the 
soldiers had then some excuse for disobedience in the fact 
that their immediate superiors possessed scarcely any more 
military knowledge than themselves. But this, too, was 
rectified as time rolled on. The West Point students were 
authorised to graduate in less than the full term of four 
years ; gradually the fledgeling colonels and captains 
acquired confidence and inspired respect. Time and com- 
panionship also greatly lessened the discord and rivalry 



Ch. II. 



FEDEEAL SOLDIEES. 



77 



wliicli to some degree existed between the West Point 
officers and the Volunteer generals. The memory of the 
War of Independence tended to raise at first much 
enthusiasm and popular prepossession in favour of civilian 
educated commanders. In the Civil War^ however, no such 
laurels as had in 1778 been gained fell to the lot of 
amateur soldiers ; and although many obtained respectable 
rank and reputation, which was overclouded by the 
blunders of two or three of the class, the close of the war 
left the balance of renown much to the credit of regularly 
trained soldiers. The United States uniform, if a little 
dull and sombre, is on the whole not ill-chosen, nor un- 
military. A tight-fitting tunic of dark blue, and light 
blue trousers — the former unenlivened by epaulets even 
in the officers' garments, generally discarded as those 
ornaments are now in all services ; a shako of the French 
shape ; and army boots of a calibre to cope with Virginian 
mud, worn as a matter of course over the trousers ; was 
the prevailing garb in the Army of the Potomac. Not 
but that there were some variations — some extraordinary. 
The ^ New York Tigers,' a regiment of volunteers exist- 
ing in New York City before the commencement of the 
war, and composed of the young men of opulent business 
families, rejoiced in an attire which was an exact copy of 
the gorgeous Austrian uniform. The vanity may be ex- 
cused, for the regiment had been raised in peace time, 
when there were ease and leisure for display, and the 
' Tio;ers ' did orood service in the field. From the earliest 
period of volunteering also dated several regiments of 
' Zouaves^' including the redoubtable ' Billy Wilson's,' 
' Duryea's,' and the ^ New York Fire Zouaves ' ; and 
though the progress of the war had not seen the enrolment 
of many companies imitative of these, there remained at 
the close of 1863 a very considerable number of such 



78 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. II. 



aspiring soldiers in the Army of the Potomac. We might 
chronicle, too, the formation, at the same early period, of 
a regiment of Highlanders (79th New York); but this, 
probably from the ill-liking of the Americans to imitate 
any of the uniforms of Britishers, seems soon to have 
fallen into disrepute and disintegration. 

Add to these Zouaves and ' Tigers,' however, the 
Kew York Lancers, who wore a gorgeous uniform ; the 
United States Dragoons (regular army), who wore a 
tasteful one ; and several other regiments of which the 
esprit de corps and the private means conlirmed the keep- 
ing up of a fine appearance ; and it will be seen that 
the pomp and circumstance of war was not altogether 
banished from the Army of the Potomac. Y^et the trials 
of actual campaigning, and the very muddy condition of 
Virginia in rainy seasons, did not allow the army 
generally to present even an appearance of neatness. 
Many visitors to the camp on the Papidan have passed 
considerable strictures on the shabby and slovenly appear- 
ance of both infantry and cavalry soldiers. The latter 
branch of the service is described to us as not even well 
mounted ; but it was well armed with swords, revolvers, 
and seven-shooting breech-loading carbines, which might 
be discharged with ease by one hand.* In the fourth 
year of the war we shall see the Federal cavalry in 
Virginia and elsewhere attaining a high degree of effi- 
ciency, under Sheridan and other able leaders. 

With an army composed of * free and enlightened repub- 
lican citizens ' — and republican citizens, be it remarked, 
of nineteenth century proclivities — there may seem to 
have been the likelihood of great difficulty in the question 
of appropriate punishments for military offences. How 

* A Trij) to Meade's Army, by an English Officer. United Service Maga- 
zine, July 1S68. Sala, America iti the midst of War. 



Ch. II. 



MILITARY PUNISHMENTS. 



79 



was the discipline wliicli we have said was, after a time, 
fairly established, maintained ? and what was awarded to 
offenders? The lash was not in force, yet there were 
inflictions quite as severe, and, as some will think, almost 
as degrading. The following extract from the letter 
home of a soldier in Meade's army records some of the 
devices which American ingenuity had brought into 
practice for preserving discipline : — ^ Military discipline, 
though neither novel nor interesting in the army, would 
present m.any scenes and incidents of curious interest to 
the uninitiated. Let us take a short walk through the 
regimental guard-houses of this brigade. At the first, 
which is that of the 2nd Rhode Island, we see one 
with his knapsack strapped on his back, and a stick of 
wood weighiDg, say forty pounds or thereabouts, on his 
shoulder. With these he walks a beat of twenty paces 
for ten hours. Crime — absent from duty without leave, 
and without reasonable excuse. Another walks a similar 
beat with knapsack and musket. He was corporal of 
guard, but was reduced to the position of private, and 
sentenced to walk his beat twelve hours, for sending a 
private to post his guard while he slept. We pass to 
another guard-house. Here we find a man bucked and 
gagged ; crime, drunkenness. The operation consists of 
putting a stick in the mouth, with a string passed from 
each end around the back of the head. The bucking 
process consists of tying the hands together securely, 
placing them over the knees, and running a stick through 
under the knees and over the arms. Still another has his 
hands tied together, and fastened as far up a tree as he 
can conveniently reach. He also is gagged. These have 
three hours on, and one off, for twelve hours. We pass 
to a third guard-house. Here is one who has skulked 
from duty. He has a large pile of stones to move some 



80 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. II. 



twenty feet — a task many times as arduous as the fatigue 
duty he shirked. Near by is a grave fresh dug and 
rounded up, with a head sticking out at one end. At his 
head stands a board, prepared and marked in large 
letters : — " Here lies the body of George Mars, who fell 
dead (drunk) November 17, 1863." 

' Doubtless the good friends at home would think this 
severe, but it is deemed necessary for the discipline of the 
army, by military commanders, at least.' * 

Quitting the consideration of these drolleries of punish- 
ment, a little too much tinctured with cruelty, we may 
refresh ourselves with the prospect of an institution 
exactly opposite in character to the subject just exhibited. 
It is the noble Sanitary Commission to which we allude 
— the institution which met with respect and affection 
from all observers, whether friends or foes to the North, 
and was a boon and honour to humanity. Through this 
and the Christian Commission (auxiliary in practical 
alleviations of pain or fatigue), all the overflowing de- 
votion and patriotism of the non-combatants of the North 
poured itself out. An immense revenue came to it all 
through the war, by voluntary subscriptions of money or 
substance. The soldiers of the Army of the Potomac 
were resting in the winter of 1863, but they knew that 
their friends, the two Commissions, would march with 
them as soon as they marched again. 

The little variety or inventiveness in the amusements 
of the American soldiers somewhat surprises us. Games 
there were, of course ; foot-ball, base-ball, and so forth ; 
and we read of theatrical performances, but they do not 
appear to have been got up with great spirit. Under the 
regime of General Meade, during the winter months of 

* Letter from a Soldier, 2nd R. I. Infantry, Brandy Station, in Anec- 
dotes of the War, p. 530. 



Ch. II. 



CAMP LIFE. 



81 



1863-4 numerous balls were given, to which visitors 
came from Washington. But these, of course, were the 
entertainments of the officers. Reading the newspapers 
probably formed the main fund of leisure occupation for 
the private soldiers. The army comprising but a small 
proportion of men unable to read or write, the corre- 
spondence carried on by it was something prodigious. 
Hundreds of soldiers also kept diaries ; and some of these, 
extracts from which have been published, show the mono- 
tony rather than the stirring incident looked upon by the 
civilian as characterising the soldier's life. 

Many of the young soldiers were fond of the luxuries 
sold by the sutlers — tarts, pies, cakes, &c. ; and many, 
old and young, endeavoured continually to obtain sur- 
reptitious alcoholic stores. Spirits were sometimes con- 
cealed in rifle barrels ; and when all other means of 
introducing liquor to the soldiers in camp failed, it was 
conveyed in pies. The pies which were not ^ bogus,' too, 
were often very injurious to health; and the soldiers 
generally would have done well by confining themselves 
to their rations. An anecdote was told in the army of a 
soldier who, carried wounded past the stand of an old 
pie-woman, exclaimed, ' I say, old lady, are those pies 
sewed or pegged ?' 

In concluding this brief sketch of the salient features 
of the Army of the Potomac, as it lay on the Rapidan, 
the following statement of the chief who was soon to 
command it admirably attests the educated character of 
the American soldier. General Grant wrote it of the 
Western army with which he besieged Vicksburg ; but 
he found no falling off in the qualities which called forth 
his commendation when he became acquainted with the 
Army of the Potomac. 

' It is a striking feature, so far as my observation goes, 



82 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. II. 



of the present volunteer army of the United States, that 
there is nothing which men are called upon to do, mecha- 
nical or professional, that accomplished adepts cannot be 
found for the duty required in almost every regiment.' * 

One remark more. PoAverful for success as was the 
handicraft and professional dexterity which prevailed in 
the Army of the Potomac, there was one quality yet more 
important which existed in its ranks — not of such 
universal distribution, but yet admirably plentiful. The 
most exalted patriotism, the purest enthusiasm, animated 
many of the soldiers. Some of the worst men in America 
were enrolled in the Union armies, but also many of the 
best. From the Puritan and intellectual State of Massa- 
chusetts came noble quotas of young men of good and 
rich families, of refined education, of pure morals, ani- 
mated by the universal will that the Union should be 
restored and slavery aboKshed. So from the other Xew 
England States, so from J^ew York, so from the West. 
Some became officers, some were content to be privates, 
so that thev were fio-htino; for the ffood cause. The most 
respected names of America were represented in Meade's 
army. Longfellow, Lowell, and Holmes, all had sons or 
nephews in the Army of the Potomac. Men of this type 
'made some conscience of what they did,' and then- in- 
fluence leavened the mass and inspired the nation. 

* Grant's Official Eeport of the VicJcshurg Campaign (Vicksburg, July 6, 
1863). 



Ch. III. 



AEMY AND GENERAL. 



83 



CHAPTER III. 

SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF GEKEKAL ULYSSES S, GRANT. HIS OPERATIONS 

UNDER HAUEECK IN 1861-2. THE SIEGE OF YICKSBURG. HIS EXPEDITION 

TO GET TO ITS REAR. CAPTUKE OF YICKSBURG. HIS OPERATIONS AT 

CHATTANOOGA. HE IS NOMINATED EIEUTENANT-GENERAE, AND ASSUMES 

COMMAND OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. 

Ulysses Simpson Grant — for the actual words which 
the cabalistic initials U. S. of this celebrated general's 
name stand for are as above — cabalistic initials, we say, 
inasmuch as his admirers, chroniclers, and poetisers have 
twisted them into innumerable noms de plume, more or 
less appropriate, such as Uncle Sam, United States, Un- 
conditional Surrender, cum muUis aliis* Ulysses Simpson 
Grant was born at Point Pleasant, Clermont County, 
State of Ohio, on April 27, 1822. The family from which 
he derives is of Scotch extraction, but has long been 
settled in the United States, dating as American from the 
early part of the eighteenth century, when two brothers 
settled, the one in Canada, the other in New J ersey. From 
the latter descended Grant's father, who was born in West- 
moreland County, Pennsylvania, in 1794. When quite 
a young man, Jesse R. Grant ^ moved west ' to Ohio ; 
then a scarcely explored territory, into which the tide of 

* See a score or more of laudatory ' XJ. S. G-.' epithets, contrived by an 
admiring biographer in Xhe New York Herald, January 5, 1864; amongst 
^vhic•h occnrs the grotesque one of 'Use Sambo Grant!' in allusion to 
his employment of coloured troops. 

G 2 



Si GEANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 

Western emigration, Avhich arose as the United States 
achieved their independence, was just beginning to flow.* 
From a Pennsylvanian family which soon after reached 
the neighbourhood where he was settled, he took to him- 
self a wife, Hannah Simpson by name, and the first off- 
spring of their marriage was Ulysses Simpson Grant. f 
We have not much to relate of Grant's boyhood. He 
received some instruction at a school in a small town of 
Southern Ohio, and in his spare time assisted his father, 
who carried on the business of a tanner, mingled with 
such farming occupation as falls to most people in newly 
formed settlements. The future Lieutenant-General was 
not, it is said, considered a ' smart ' youth. Neverthe- 
less, the newspaper biographers of the New York press 
enliven their narratives of his boyish days with several 
anecdotes which show, as they say, that indications of 
genius were not wanting. One or two of these we may 
transcribe, without vouching for their truth. He was 
once sent by his father — the story goes — to bargain with 
a neighbouring farmer for the purchase of a horse. The 
parental instructions were that he was to offer fifty to 
fifty-five dollars, and if that would not get the horse, 
sixty. Ulysses told the farmer all this, who, of course, 
at once said that the price Avas sixty. ' But,' added the 
boy, ' although father said sixty, I have made up my 

* The population of Ohio in 1810 was 230,760. It is now (census of 
1860) 2,339,509, and the State ranks as the third in the Union for wealth, 
population, and importance, being surpassed only by the States of New 
York and Pennsylyania. 

t The boy was christened Hiram Ulysses, but when at the age of seven- 
teen he was nominated to West Point, his initials were given by the mem- 
ber of Congress who procured the nomination as U. S. ; and accepting tlie 
S, as representing his mother's name, the lad called himself ever after 
• Ulysses Simpson Grant.' The matter is of little consequence, but it seen^s 
well to mention it. Letter of Mr. Jesse E. Grant, quoted by Headley, Life 
and Campaigns of General Grant, p, 19. 



Ch. III. 



GEANrS BOYHOOD. 



85 



mind to give you only fifty , so you must take tliat or 
nothing !' Ulysses got the horse.* 

Another time, when at the age of twelve having already 
achieved the management of his father's draught team, he 
was entrusted with it for the purpose of hauling some 
heavy hewn logs, which were to be loaded with the usual 
aid of levers and other appliances, by several stout men. 
He went with his team and found the logs, but not the 
men. An ordinary boy, under the circumstances, would 
have gone home for help, but young Grant took a dif- 
ferent course. Observing a fallen tree which had a 
gradual slope, he unhitched his horses, attached them to 
a log, drew it horizontally to the tree, and then drew one 
end of it up the inclined trunk, higher than the waggon 
track, and so as to project a few feet over, and thus con- 
tinued to operate until he had brought several to this 
position. Next he backed his waggon under the project- 
ing ends, and finally, one by one, hitched to, and drew 
the logs lengthwise across the fallen trunk on to his 
waggon, hitched up again, and returned with his load to 
his astonished father, "j" 

But an ardent desire for a better education than he 
could receive in a village school of a Western State in- 
spired young Grant; perhaps, too, predilections for a mili- 
tary life were already forming in his mind. He was, like 
all the young native-born Americans, well acquainted with 
the brief history of his country ; and the glorious career of 
Washington, so constantly preached upon to American 
youth, may at times have occupied and influenced his 
thoughts, as he is said to have had a violent dispute with 
his playfellows on the character of that great man, whose 
merits Grant was willing to have upheld with blows. 
At any rate, his father embraced the opportunity which 

* New York Herald, January 5, 1864. f Headley, Life, p. 21. 



86 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICmiOXD. Ch. III. 



electioneering interest with the representative of his dis- 
trict o^ave him, of obtainino- for his son a nomination for 
the U. S. Military Academy, and the future commander 
of the United States armies Avas entered a cadet at West 
Point in July 1839. Of a hundred students who en- 
tered then — the usual complement which is admitted at 
one time, for the year — Grant was the only one who had 
not received a regular preliminary education. Amongst 
the number were several who were afterwards to act 
parts of some note in the Civil War — Ingalls, quarter- 
master-general of the Army of the Potomac, under ]Meade 
and Grant ; Franklin, who commanded a corps of that 
army in 1862; and Gardner, a Southern general, who 
defended Port Hudson, on the Mississippi, till Grant's 
capture of Vicksburg involved his surrender to Banks. 
Besides these, other future generals of greater renown 
were resident at the institution during part of Grant's 
term of study. Rosencranz and Pope, who had entered 
before him, were two years with him, and ^ Stonewall ' 
Jackson and M'Clellan entered the institution in the 
year in which Grant left. Like the subsequent hero of 
the South, Grant, during his study at West Point, did 
not awaken any expectations or auguries of future bril- 
liancy in his profession, being known simply as a steady 
plodding worker during the whole four years' course. He 
was not, it is recorded, greatly attracted by speculative 
philosophy, but was remarkably fond of demonstrative 
mathematics, and of all experimental exercises. He 
ranked as No. 21 in order of merit, amongst the thirty- 
nine students who were all that graduated of tlie orio'inal 
class of a hundred."^ 

* Professor Coppee gives the following as his reBiinisceuee of Grant at 
West Point : — ' The honour of being his comrade for two years at the 
Academy enables me to speak more intelligently, perhaps, than those of 'the 



Ch. III. 



GEANT AT WEST POINT. 



87 



In 1843 tlie United States were at peace, and the small 
army which then existed was, with the exception of some 
detachments in a few of the great cities, distributed in 
various parts of the Western territories, to preserve order 
and overawe the Indian tribes. Grant was attached as 
brevet second lieutenant to the 4th United States In- 
fantry, which was stationed near St. Louis, Missouri. 
The anticipation a year or two later of an aggressive 
movement in Mexico infused activity into the niilitary 
service, and Grant's regiment, in common with nearly all 
the regular troops of the Union, was ordered to the 
South-west. Under General Zachary Taylor, who inau- 
gurated the war by a victorious campaign in J^orthern 
Mexico, Grant rose to be lieutenant of his regiment, 
and under General Scott he so distinguished himself as 
to be recommended to Congress for a captaincy. He vv^as 
in most of the engagements under both generals' com- 
mands ; specially distinguished himself at the battle ot 
Molino del Rey and the storming of Chapultepec (Sep- 
tember 13, 1847), and was several times honourably 
mentioned in the reports of his superior officers. General 
Worth highly complimented Lieutenant Grant in his 
report. Major Francis Lee, commanding the 4th In- 
fantry, in his report said : ' Second Lieutenant Grant 
behaved with distinguished gallantry on the 13th and 14th.' 

Brevet-Colonel John Garland, in command of the first 

new school,' who have invented the most absurd stories to illustrate his 
cadet life. I remember him as a plain, common-sense, straight-forward 
youth ; quiet, rather of the old head on young shoulders order ; shunning 
notoriety; quite contented while others were grumbling ; taking to his mili- 
tary duties in a very business-like manner ; not a prominent man in the 
corps, but respected by all, and yery popular with his friends. His 
sobriquet of JJncU Sam was given to him there, where every good fellow 
has a nickname, from these very qiialities ; indeed he was a very uncle-lilce 
sort of youth. He was then and always an excellent horseman.'— Coppee's 
Qrant avd his Cam])uigns, p. 22. (New York, 1866.) 



88 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICH.MOND. Cn. III. 



brigade at Chapultepec, said : * I must not omit to call 
attention to Lieutenant Grant, who acquitted himself 
most nobly upon several occasions, under my observation.' 
Grant had done special good service there in assisting 
Captain Horace Brooks, of the 2nd Infantry, to carry a 
strong fieldwork and turn the enemy's right. 

At Chapultepec, it is interesting to reflect, ^ Captain 
Robert E. Lee,' also, did gallant service ; fought under 
the same flas* with the man as^ainst whom he was after- 
wards to battle so desperately ; to whom he was, at last, 
to surrender. Lee was then in his thirty -ninth year, and 
Grant was five-and-twenty. 

With the captaincy awarded him for his meritorious 
services in Mexico, Grant does not appear to have been 
fully commissioned till 1853. During much of the inter- 
vening period he acted as the quartermaster of his regi- 
ment, a post which involves the acquirement of the 
hardest of a commander's duties — the proper supply of 
his men. On his return from the Mexican war he 
married a lady of St. Louis, Miss Dent; and at the 
present time, we may as well mention here. General 
Grant has several children. He was for some time on the 
Canadian frontier ; afterwards was stationed with his 
regiment in the interior of Oregon, where he saw some 
service against the Indians. 

The piping times of peace, irritatingly monotonous for 
a young soldier with a career to make, reigned all over 
the States again ; and, in the leisure time consequent on 
inaction, Captain Grant is said to have given way to 
habits of drink — a vice of far too common occurrence 
among his countrymen, and which a general (Howard) 
has declared to be the curse of the American officer. 

* Coppee, Grant and his Campaig7is. Our Great Capfams (New York, 
1865). 



Ch. III. 



GEANT IX MEXICO. 



89 



Partly to this — partly to Grant's willingness to quit a 
profession in which there was no apparent chance of 
active service and advancement — we must ascribe his 
sudden withdrawal from the army in 1854. Whilst one 
or two biographers of repute deny or pass over this alie- 
gation, others favourable to Grant affirm it. The subject 
need not be dilated on^ for it is certain that by 1860 he 
had completely amended any such fault. He retired to 
St. Louis, and for a short time is represented to us as 
^ almost without employment.'^ He endeavoured, how- 
ever, to do something for a living, by supplying the 
vicinity T\dth wood ; and many of the citizens of Caron- 
delet, a village adjoining St. Louis, are said to remember 
Grant dressed in a plain farmer's garb, delivering an 
honest load at their outhouses. 

Occasionallv he varied this and his small farmino- occu- 
pation by the, for him, somewhat strangely chosen one of 
collecting, or attempting to collect, debts for his neigh- 
bours. Local witticisms record the decided want of suc- 
cess as a ' dun ' of the ex-captain and future lieutenant- 
general — a circumstance which seems somewhat strange 
in view of the resolution and obstinacy of his character. 
\\Q should rather have expected, judging by his career in 
the war, to find details of the rigid and untiring besiege- 
ments, the brilliant flank movements, the stern demands 
for ^ unconditional surrender,' that Ulysses used to inflict 
on a recalcitrant debtor. But Ulysses S. Grant had a 
soul fitted for other things, and the petty interest of call- 
ing for small accounts could not roure the spirit which 
was able to conduct a mighty war, and grapple with the 
great rebellion, the outbreak of which was now near at 

Xew York Correspondence of Avgslmrg AUgemeine Zeihoig. British 
Army and Xavy Reviciv, October 1861. Eicliardson, The Field, the Dun- 
gton, and the Eacajpe, p. 235 (Hartford, 1865). 



90 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHiVIOND. Ch. III. 



hand. In 1859 he left St. Lonis and joined his father, 
who, moving still further west in his old age, had settled 
at Galena, Illinois. Here, during the remnant of the 
decade whose termination was to brino; forth the strugsrie 
which was to be the great business of his lite. Grant pur- 
sued the even tenor of his way, assisting his father in the 
tannery, and supplying the wood-yards of the town. 

1861 came, and, responsive to President Lincoln's first 
call for volunteers in April, the States were filled vnth 
citizens enrolling themselves, and anxious to receive mili- 
tary organisation. Every trained soldier rose at once to 
importance. In Galena the citizens A^oted Grant to the 
chair, at a meeting in the Court House, for the purpose 
of raising troops. Grant ofi'ered his ser^dces to the 
Government direct, but it is said that he was refused 
employment by General Scott, on account of his former 
intemperance. Hooker, then out of the army for 
the same cause, experienced about the same time a 
similar refusal, and did not attain a command till the 
autumn, when by a characteristic bold bearing, in a 
renewed application to the President personally, he got 
appointed. Grant had not so long to wait, however, for 
the Governor of Illinois, called upon to raise a large force 
almost without professional aid, Avas glad to promote the 
ex-captain from the command of a local company which 
he was organising to employment under the State Adju- 
tant-General."^ Grant, with much modesty, desired, ere 
accepting, that the appointment might be sanctioned by 

* 'In April 1861 he tendered his personal services to me, saying, "he 
had been the recipient of a military education at West Point, and that now, 
when the country was involved in a war for its preservation and safety, he 
thought it his duty to offer his services in defence of the Union, and that 
he would esteem it a privilege to be assigned to any position where he 
could be useful." ' — Governor Yates, Message to Illinois Legislature, 1863, 
quoted in Headley, Life, p. 49. 



Ch. III. 



GEJTEEAL GRANT- 186L 



91 



General Scott, and he, upon some pressing, passed it. 
Grant had now been for some little while, as he has been 
ever since, a total abstainer. Governor Yates, in May, 
invested him with the colonelcy of the 21st Illinois 
Infantry, and during the mustering of the volunteer 
regiments he showed unremitting attention to his duties. 
His appearance at this time is said to have excited some 
merriment among his subordinates, who laughed at his 
shabby * stove-pipe ' hat, and the incessant cigar between 
his teeth.* But, notwithstanding his heavy and taciturn 
manner, little improved as that had been by his hitherto 
unsuccessful career, he gained the thorough respect of his 
men, his strict impartiality and self-denying exactness 
comparing favourably with the way many of his fellow 
colonels performed their duties. On the expiration of the 
three months' term, the greater part of his regiment re- 
enlisted for a period of three years. In the middle of 
May he was ordered to Northern Missouri, where a des- 
perate partisan conflict had already commenced. There 
was no general officer on the spot at the time, and the 
colonels senior to Grant, alarmed at the coming weight 
of responsibility, requested him, as the only one who, it 
appeared, had seen actual service, to assume the command. 
This compliment procured for him, soon after, the com- 
mission of Brigadier-General of Volunteers. 

He was now ordered to the south of the State, where 
he showed so much activity in arranging, for its towns^ 
measures of defence against the invasion threatened by 
the Confederate leader Jefferson Thomson, that he re- 
ceived charge of a special district, with head-quarters at 
Cairo, Illinois, a small low-lying town, but most important 

* ' It was only right that such a stove-pipe as Grant should be allowed to, 
smoke,' they are said to have remarked. — New York Herald, January 5,| 
1864. 



92 



GEANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 



military point, commauding the junction of the Ohio 
with the Mississippi. Thus, with a great war, only just 
beginning to develop itself, in which to work his way — 
already risen to the rank of a general and a command "of 
importance — Ulysses S. Grant saw himself fairly launched 
for a career of honour and usefulness, the outcome of 
which lay in his own hands, in the quality and exertion 
of his own talents, in the strength of his resolution. 
Stubborn and self-reliant, he undauntedly set forward. 

At this time the Confederates had a considerable force 
intrenched at Columbus, a town on the east bank of the 
Mississippi, some twenty miles south of Cairo ; and as it 
was reported that they had designs on the course of the 
Ohio, General Grant, early in September, proceeded a 
short distance up the latter river, and seized the town of 
Paducah (Kentucky), placing a brigade in occupation. 
The possession of the place not only gave him the control 
of the Ohio, but closed the mouth of its tributary the 
Tennessee (itself a great river) against the Confederates, 
and afforded an invaluable base of operations for the 
advance up the latter river, which he headed the follow- 
ing spring. By the result of this movement Grant was 
first brought prominently before the public. 

That singular character, Fremont — whose daring ex- 
plorations in the far West, ten years before, and the 
renovm of his passage of the Rocky Mountains, caused 
high expectations to be entertained of him as a general 
by a considerable faction in the Federal States — was at 
that time in command in the West, and by following out 
his orders Grant fought his first battle, which was half a 
victory and half a defeat. He had an insufficient force 
assigned to him. With only 3,500 troops, and some 
gunboats to co-operate, he proceeded, on November 6, 
down the Mississippi, to attack an entrenched camp at 



Ch. III. 



BATTLE OF BELMONT. 



93 



Belmont, on the west bank of the great river, a little 
above Columbus. The action took place the next day ; 
General Grant with his troops made a good attack, and 
at first the fighting was all to his advantage. He cap- 
tured the enemy's camp, and drove them towards the 
river. Later in the day, however, by the arrival of re- 
inforcements from across the river to the Confederates, he 
was, after a long day's work, driven back again, and 
himself compelled to retreat. He re-embarked his troops, 
and returned to Cairo. Grant's loss in this battle was 
about 600 ; that of the Confederates was 632 ; Grant had 
a horse shot under him. Yery shortly after this Fremont 
was superseded, and General Halleck assumed the chief 
command over the Western armies. The year 1861 passed 
quietly away, without any movement of importance on 
either side ; Grant, under the new chief commander, was 
briskly employed during the winter months in accumu- 
lating troo} transports, and gunboats, near the mouth of 
the Ohio — preparations for the energetic operations of 
the ensuing spring. Halleck — though he seems to have 
made his chief favourite of Pope, who was one of the 
several officers then under him in the West — was not slow 
in arrivinn; at a hio;h estimate of Grant's courao-e and 
ability, insomuch that he determined to delegate to him 
the stiffest share in working the important movement 
which he had projected. 

The programme was this : — The line of the Confede- 
rates stretched east and west, from Columbus on the 
Mississippi to Bowling Green, Eastern Kentucky. Hal- 
leck, possessing numbers superior to those of his oppo- 
nents, could keep a sufficient force to menace those two 
places, where their cliief forces and commanders, Beau- 
regard and A. S. Johnston, lay ; whilst he pushed his 
main body and main attack right at the centre of the 



94 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 



Rebel line. For this perpendicular movement the geo- 
graphy of the field of operations afforded him the 
greatest advantage. The rivers Cumberland and Ten- 
nessee, both pouring their waters into the Oliio (the 
Federal line), run for some distance parallel to each other, 
and with only a narrow interval of land. These rivers 
issued from the Confederate centre, and their course 
exactly suited Halleck's purpose. By Grant's foresight 
in seizing Paducah, their mouths were open to him. At 
that place, and at Smithland, on the mouth of the Cum- 
berland, Halieck and Grant concentrated the expeditionary 
forces, to the number of 30,000. A dozen gunboats were 
assembled off" Cairo, and seven of them, the most efficient, 
were detached under Commodore Foote to co-operate with 
Grant, on w^hom Halieck devolved the active command. 
While these preparations were being completed, a battle 
was fought at Mill Spring, further in the east of Kentucky, 
in which the Confederates — their general, Zoliicoffer, fall- 
ing early in the fight — sustained a disastrous repulse at 
the hands of Thomas. It was a good omen for Halleck's 
enterprise, and on February 3, the rivers having attained 
high flood. Grant, at the head of about 30,000 men, and 
Foote with his seven gunboats, proceeded vigorously with 
their allotted tasks. The sight of Grant's host and a little 
intimidation by the gunboats procured the ready surrender 
of Fort Henry on the Tennessee (February 6, 1862), 
which was very feebly garrisoned. But further up the 
strip of land. Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland, still 
barred the way, and bade fair to be a formidable obstacle, 
being occupied by 20,000 men, with several generals. On 
the 13th, seven days after occupying Fort Henry, Grant 
appeared before it — at first with a little less than 20,000 
men. A brief investment of four days gave him posses- 
sion of it. The besieged at first managed to keep the 



Ch. III. 



FOET DONELSON. 



95 



gunboats in clieck, and essayed a sortie against the army ; 
but Grant's efficient disposition obliged them to retire. 
Reinforcements coming to him, the Confederates were 
hemmed in, and when, on the morning of the 16th, the 
Federals were about to make a final movement on the 
works of the fort, they perceived white flags hung out, 
and General Grant received a letter from the Confederate 
general, asking for terms of capitulation. The reply 
which Grant promptly sent back was as follows : 

' Head Quarters, on the Field, 
' Fort Donelson, February 16,1862. 

^To General S. B. Buchner. 

* Sir, — Yours of this date, proposing an armistice, and 
the appointment of commissioners to settle on the terms 
of capitulation, is just received. No terms except un- 
conditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. I 
propose to move immediately on your works. 

* I am, &c., 

* U. S. Grant, Brigadier- General Commanding.' 

On this the Confederate general returned a brief note, 
stating that the overwhelming force opposed to him com- 
pelled him to accept ' the ungenerous and unchivalrous 
terms proposed,' and Fort Doneison was immediately ren- 
dered up. Several thousands of Confederates, however, 
escaped by the rear. Despite the disparaging remark, 
which may perhaps be excused in the defeated Buckner, 
none could deny that Grant's first triumph was well and 
fairly won. Grant issued an order, highly complimenting 
his men. They had fought so bravely that even Con- 
federate authorities specially mention it. The weather 
was bitterly cold, having been on the first day's battle 
only ten degrees above zero. For the first time in the 



96 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST PJCHMOND. Ch. m. 



war, the ISTorth found that after reading the report of 
victory it could look the gift-horse in the mouth , for a 
captured garrison of over 13,000 men was presented as 
the substantial result. But the strategical effects of the 
capture of Fort Donelson were of still greater importance. 
Kentucky was secured to the Federals, and Tennessee 
lay bare before them. Halleck's plan of breaking the 
Confederate line was completely worked out, for Beau- 
regard and A. S. Johnston were severed by the interposed 
wedge of Grant's army: and to effect a re-junction those 
chiefs hastily fell back to the extreme south of Tennessee, 
abandoning Nashville, the capital of the State and an 
important position. 

Grant's achievement did not pass unrecognised by 
his countrymen and the Government. Throughout the 
Union the news of his success caused great enthusiasm. 
The famous words ^ unconditional surrender ' in his de- 
spatch were applied to him as a sobriquet tallying vv'ith 
his initials, and the Government at once bestowed on him 
a Major-General's commission (of Volunteers) as an in- 
centive to fresh exertions. These, as may be supposed, 
were not wanting, and he lost no time in continuing his 
victorious march south. His further progress, however, 
was presently checked by a rude passage of arms, from 
which he did not by any means emerge with brightened 
reputation. 

For a month (March 1862) his advance, and the general 
affairs of the Federals in the Mississippi region, went 
swimmingly on. The city of Nashville was occupied, 
and Andrew Johnson installed there as Provisional 
Governor of the recovered State of Tennessee. The 
Mississippi began, bend by bend, to come into the hands 
of the Federals ; Pope, and Foote with his gunboats, 
undertaking together the task of clearing it of the Con- 



Ch. III. 



PITTSBURa LANDING". 



97 



federate strong places. Grant himself, briskly marching 
straight down the bank of the Tennessee River, arrived 
by the end of the month at the southern border of the 
State. This was, reckoning from Fort Donelson, a con- 
quering march of over 100 miles, which had been easily 
achieved, for no resistance was offered. Being now in 
the immediate vicinity of the Confederate forces, he 
quietly encamped himself by the side of the river on its 
west bank, as he wished prior to attacking them to await 
large reinforcements — in fact, another army, which Gene- 
ral Buell, by Halleck's orders, was bringing down from 
the north-east of Tennessee. But — he does not seem to 
have anticipated that the enemy might attack him. He 
settled down on the same side of the river as the enemy, 
with a newly organised army, without taking, it Avould 
seem, the most ordinary measures to guard against sur- 
prise. His army of between 30,000 and 40,000 men is 
said to have been most injudiciously extended ; no system 
of scouting was employed ; he did not even throw up any 
rough entrenchments. Regiments composed of raw recruits 
were posted in the front ranks, amidst the thick woods, 
and the military necessity of placing pickets was virtually 
disregarded. The grave reproach still seems to rest on 
General Grant that at Pittsburg Landing the army under 
his care was, to a great extent, unduly exposed. So the 
Confederates found it when, on the morning of Sunday, 
April 6, with an able general (A. S. Johnston), and his 
perhaps greater second (Beauregard), at their head, and 
in numbers over 40,000 strong, they precipitated them- 
selves on the Federal camp ; and never in all his life were 
Grant's fame and fortune in such peril as they were then 
through his own negligence. The Confederate army was 
in high spirits. Beauregard had told his men the night 
before ^ That to-morrow they would sleep in the enemy's 

H 



98 



GRANT'S CA3IPAIGN AGAIN'ST EICH3I0ND. Ch. III. 



camp.' The Confederates marched silently upon Grant's 
army in the early morning. The unlucky tyros who were 
posted on the outskirt of the Federal camp were inter- 
rupted in the very act of having their breakfast by the 
swift onslaught of the enemy. They fled pell-mell, and 
communicated their terror to the forces next in position. 
The Confederates hotly pursued their advantage, and 
poured in upon the disordered army. Cannon, baggage, 
Avaggons, and supphes, fell into their hands; regiments were 
pitched hither and thither ; all was confusion ; and it was 
of little avail that Grant, arriving hurriedly from the rear, 
rode with his able lieutenant Sherman about the field 
with reckless bravery, endeavouring to rally the men and 
repair disaster. Grant did succeed in re-forming some 
troops, and repeatedly led them on to the charge himself. 
The Confederates as they came on cried * Bull Kun,' the 
Federals called out ' Donelson.' With all this Grant's 
army was being pushed back to the river; one whole 
division (3,000 men) had been captured. Grant would 
have been at desperation point had he not known that 
reinforcements were close at hand. Buell's army arrived, 
late in the afternoon, on the rear bank of the Tennessee. 
Buell soon arrived in Grant's camp, and quickly after- 
wards his advanced divisions under Nelson came across 
the river, and marched on to the battle-field. ^ Here 
v^ e are. General,' said Nelson, ' here we are. We are 
not very military in our division. We don't know many 
fine points or nice evolutions, but if you want stupidity 
and hard fighting I reckon we are the men for you.' 
Meanwhile a disaster in the Confederate ranks some- 
what disturbed their pressing on so fully as they should. 
Albert Sydney Johnston lay dead on the battle-field — 
the first lost of the several eminent generals who fell on 
the side of the South duriiag the course of the war. The 



ch. m. 



PITTSBUIia LANDINa. 



99 



Confederate soldiers, too, in possession of tlie Federal 
camp, had given way to plundering, and broken their dis- 
cipline. These causes disposed Beauregard, left sole in 
command, to rest over till the morrow; and when the 
morrow came the combined forces of Grant and Buell 
precluded the victory which he believed would have been 
his, and redeemed for the Federals their advanced position 
on the Tennessee. On the night of the 6th, soon after 
Buell's troops were reported arriving. Grant, turning to 
Sherman, had said, looking exultingly towards the Con- 
federates, * To-morrovv^ they will be exhausted, and then we 
will go at them with fresh troops.' So it was. The state 
of affairs was completely reversed, and Beauregard's army 
was driven back in disorder. The Confederate loss 
during the two days was 10,699 ; Grant's loss was 13,298, 
of which nearly 4,000 were missing. Such was the battle 
of Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh — a very important inci- 
dent in Grant's career, but which reflects little credit on 
his military skill."^ 

The news of the affray soon reached St. Louis, the 
head-quarters of the western department; and though 
General Halleck proclaimed it a victory, the narrow 
escape from defeat which it had really been caused him 
to repair in person to the scene of action. He found no 

* General Sherman, highly distinguished in this battle, said of it, when 
reviewing, three years after, the early campaigns in the West : * All I claim 
for Pittsbm'g Landing is that it was a contest for manhood. There was no 
strategy.' — Speech of General Sherman at St. Louts, July 1865. 

For Fort Donelson and Pittsbtirg Landing I have consulted the various 
Newspaper Reports ; also their able condensation, and the Federal Official 
Reports in The Rebellion Eecord. Coppee, Grant and his Camimigns. 
Bowman and L*win, Sherman and his Campaigns (New York, 1867). 
Richardson, Field, Dungeon, ^c. Southern Official Reports (Richmond, 

1862) . Pollard, The First Year of the War in America (London, 1864). 
Three Months in the Rebel Army, by an Impressed New Yorker (London, 

1863) . Coffin, Four Years of Fighting. 

H 2 



100 GEANT'S CA^^IPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. lU. 



fault with Grant, however, though he exhorted, in a 
general order, the preservation of a better discipline. 
Keeping in statu quo at Pittsburg Landing for nearly 
six weeks, during which he drew to his army continually 
fresh reinforcements, Halleck, by careful manoeuvring 
and demonstration of strength, had at the end of that 
time the satisfaction of ejecting Beauregard's army from 
Corinth, its position till then, some few miles from the 
Landing. At the same time the Federal gunboats 
worked their way down the Mississippi, clearing Fort 
Pillow and capturing Memphis, till nothing remained 
before them but the little town of Vicksburg, which the 
Confederates were understood to have fortified as their 
last effort for controlling the Great River. Towards this, 
though obliged to be still on the alert for possible move- 
ments by Beauregard, Halleck's attention was turned, 
w^hen, in July, his career in the West came to a close 
by his being summoned to the Gen eralship-in- Chief, 
under the President; and leaving Corinth for Washington, 
Avithout having inaugurated any movement, he devolved 
on General Grant the district west of the Tennessee, and 
left to him the task of the reduction of VicksburjT. 

o 

The position to which Halleck was promoted was not, 
it is well to explain, that to which his subordinate. Grant, 
subsequently rose. A new and special rank vs/-as created 
for Grant, The functions of the appointment Halleck 
held seem rather to have been those of military adviser 
to the President than that of a chief commander, although 
for a time he exercised considerable personal power over 
the Army of the Potomac and other armies.^ General 
Halleck was learned in all that West Point could teach ; 

* There was for some time a similar rank in the Confederate service, 
which was filled by General Bragg in a manner somewhat resembling that 
of General Halleck. 



Ch. hi. 



STEUGGLE FOR THE MISSISSIPPI. 



101 



but before 1861 he had seen no service, not even in the 
Mexican war. The credit belongs to him of having pro- 
jected the Fort Donelson movement, which Grant exe- 
cuted ; but, though of value, Halleck's services were not 
of a brilliant nature during the after course of the war. 

The military department of the Tennessee, to the 
command of which Grant had now risen,' comprised all 
the country west of the Tennessee River, and on both 
shores of the Mississippi, south of Cairo — a vast and 
ample field for his exertions. Practically, however, as 
Grant well knew, the brunt of war in his department was 
to centre round Vicksburg. The reduction of this place 
had already been attempted, a fleet under Farragut 
having, after the capture of New Orleans, ascended the 
Mississippi from the sea. But the chief naval hero of 
America, who won renown in the after course of the 
war, found the batteries of Vicksburg at that time too 
strong for him, and it became apparent that a land force 
would have to be employed for its capture. From the 
moment Grant assumed command he had Vicksburg in 
view, but some months passed before he prepared to move 
upon it. From the neighbourhood of Corinth, where his 
army still lay (his head-quarters he fixed for a time at 
Jackson, Tennessee), to the Mississippi stronghold, w^as in 
a line straight south-west nearly 250 miles, and for some 
time he found enough to keep him busy in organising 
and controlling the portions of Tennessee and Arkansas 
which had been conquered. The heat, too — for it was 
now full summer — made the Federal army quite resigned 
to resting where it was. Only one event of importance 
occurred in Grant's department during the six months 
from June to November 1862 — the battle of luka, near 
Corinth, in which the Confederates, who attacked, were 
driven back with loss. Grant was not there in person. 



i02 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICmOND. Ch. III. 

We have now arrived at what is, for the biographer, 
the most remarkable, the most interesting period of 
Grant's life — his operations against Vicksburg ; the seven 
months from the middle of December 1862, till July 4, 
1863, when he planted the Union flag on the Mississippi 
stronghold, and by that act stood forward as the acknow- 
ledged foremost soldier in the Federal armies. In this 
remarkable siege he was himself most actively engaged, 
himself led his troops on to battle, wrought his works 
with his omi hands — ^in a word, it was to Grant what the 
(first) Italian campaign was to Napoleon Bonaparte. As 
the purpose of this work is, however, the history of his 
subsequent Richmond campaign — a subject of more his- 
torical importance, though it displays the man. Grant, 
less brilliantly — we can only permit ourselves to run 
over the most salient features of the turmoil which raged 
about the shores of the Lower Mississippi during that 
critical half year. The proportions of the struggle — 
the dignity of the actors — were worthy of the great river 
for Avhich Federals and Confederates contended. Through 
it all Grant figures as the master spirit, surrounded, how- 
ever, with both opponents and auxiliaries of an heroic 
build. In Sherman he had a lieutenant on whom he 
could depend to do the utmost in carrying out orders, 
and to whom he could, if he so desired, entrust separate 
commands and manoeuvres. The fleet, whose co-operation 
was so important to him, might have availed him little 
had it been commanded by others than the daring and 
long-headed Farragut and the sturdy Commodore Porter. 
Finally, in the defender of Vicksburg, Pemberton, though 
much adverse criticism was heaped upon him after his sur- 
render, we cannot but recognise a resolute and vigilant 
soldier, who deserves no little credit for the protracted 
holding of the place. We shall have to mention the 



Ch. III. 



STEUGGLE FOE THE MISSISSIPPI. 



103 



names of three other generals — Banks and M^Clernand 
(Federals), and Joseph E. Johnston (Confederate). 

Yicksburg stands on the left or Mississi}3pi State bank 
of the Mississippi, abont 200 miles from its mouth, and 
had been, before the war broke out, an important trading 
place, and port of call for the Mississippi steamers. The 
Federals were in possession of New Orleans, having there 
large forces under Banks and a fleet under Farragut; 
but these could not ascend to Yicksburg to assault it on 
the south; for during December 1862, the enemy had 
fortified Port Hudson, between New Orleans and Yicks- 
burg. The Federals had, therefore, first to reduce or 
forcibly pass by this place. General Grant, consequently, 
could count upon no resistance but that of the vessels 
under Porter, which, part of the original Cairo squadron, 
were floating a little distance to the north of Yicksburs^. 
His army, augmented during the autumn, was divided 
into four corps, the 13th, loth, 16th, and 17th, and may 
be set down as about 60,000 men. 

Having concerted his measures with Sherman, his 
favourite lieutenant, he abandoned his camp in the south- 
west corner of Tennessee, so long the furthest point south 
attained by the land armies of the Federals, and, following 
the line of railroad which led due south, advanced into 
the State of Mississippi, After some weeks' skirmishing, 
the Confederate General Pemberton, who, inferior in 
numbers, and with the fate of Yicksburg depending on 
the issue, dared not give battle, fell back on that town. 
Grant immediately sent Sherman forward by way of the 
Yazoo Piver with a large corps, which he hoped would at 
once secure the place. After some desperate fighting, 
Sherman was completely repulsed (Dec. 27, 1862), with 
a loss of 2,000 killed and wounded. On hearing this. 
Grant, who was near the town of Grenada, stopped short 



104 GEAXT'S CA3IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 



in his advance towards Central Mississippi, marched his 
troops to Memphis, embarked them there on the trans- 
ports which were in readiness, and saihng thence on 
January 29, February _1 saw^ him with all his armies and 
all his generals — a vast host — encamped on the west 
bank of the Mississippi, opposite Vicksburg. From the 
public buildings of the little town the Confederate leaders 
might perceive, with the aid of their glasses, the mighty 
host which was assembling and menaced their trust — 
might speculate on the trials in store for them, and the 
defence they w^ould make. If they wanted incentives to 
fortitude, they could repeat to themselves the words which 
their President had just uttered — that Vicksburg and 
Port Hudson were necessary to the existence of the Con- 
federacy, and must be defended at all hazards.^ 

February and March, 1863. For two months we find 
General Grant unmersed in engineering schemes, rather 
than in attempting exploits sword-in-hand. The failure 
of Sherman had shown the futility of rash attempts to 
storm the fortifications, and the ingenuity of character 
which the Americans possess prompted the Federals to 
entertain the idea that there were ' royal roads ' by w^hich 
to open the Mississippi w^ithout grappling with the batte- 
ries of Vicksburg. ' Canalisation ' was the idea, and the 
wildest schemes were conceived — chimeras the most co- 
lossal were discussed and seriously set about. The first 
project — the idea of which seemed plausible enough — was 
a canal to turn the Mississippi across the peninsula opposite 
Vicksburg, and so annihilate the bend of the river. But 
the Father of Waters refused to swerve from his course, 
and nothing ever resulted from several weeks' fruitless, 
perhaps ill- executed, labour. 

^ Speech of Jefferson Davis, at Jackson, Mississippi, January 1863. 
Jackson Mississipjpian. 



Ch. in. 



OPEEATIOXS AGAINST VICKSBUEG. 



105 



A greater design was next undertaken. A lake, or 
lagoon, on tlie west bank of the Mississippi, nearly fifty 
miles above Vicksbnrg, called Lake Providence, was to 
be connected with the river by a canal, and then by 
further canals, in a south-westerly direction, with several 
rivers, by which, after a course of nearly two hundred 
miles, the Federal fleet might enter the Mississippi at Eed 
River mouth, midway between Yicksburg and Port Hud- 
son. Some people expressed apprehension that this au- 
dacious scheme would result in chanoins^ the course of 
the JMississippi to the sea, and spread unlimited disaster 
over the valley of the great stream. The Federal en- 
gineers scrupled not to try it, however. They cut the 
levees, or embankments, at several places about the lake, 
and the country on both banks of the Mississippi was for 
a time flooded. But the prognostication of both charac- 
ters were unfulfilled. The Mississippi, fortunately for the 
interests of humanity, did no great damage ; and though 
a few Federal gunboats entered Lake Providence, they 
found it impracticable or undesirable to go further. The 
scheme was a complete failure. Another project, which, 
judged by the light of the result, seems equally absurd, 
was now pushed forward — the Yazoo Pass expedition, 
which was the subject of much talk at the time. The 
Yazoo is a river which enters the Mississippi ten miles 
above Yicksburg, and consequently was nearly opposite 
the encampment of the Federals. Part of the Yicksburg 
fortifications guarded its mouth, free entrance to which 
would have allowed the Federals to get to the rear of the 
town. As the Yazoo in its upper course, far north of 
Yicksburg, is connected by various swamps and creeks, 
and swampy rivers with the corresponding stretch of the 
Mississippi, the sapient plan was hit upon that the Fe- 
deral squadron lying off Yicksburg should ascend the 



106 GEAXT'S CAZilPAiaX AGAIXST E.ICH3I0XD. Ch. III. 



Mississippi 250 miles to the channels into the Yazoo, and 
then descend that river 250 miles to o-et to the mouth by 
Vicksburg ! This was actually done, taking up about a 
fortnight's time ; but all was of no avail, for they could 
not quite reach the desired point, finding batteries too 
strong for them when within 800 yards of it ! 

But the commander of Grant's naval co-operatives was 
not wanting in ^ dash.' Under his orders two vessels, 
the ' Queen of the West ' and the ' Indianola,' taking the 
cover of the night, which preserved them not, however, 
from the fire of the vigilant Confederates, had run past 
Vicksburg, to operate below it. With the lapse of a few 
days, however. Porter received the mortifying intelligence 
that they had both, one after another, fallen into the 
hands of the enemy. The captures occurred at the end 
of February ; and though Porter consoled himself by in- 
stituting a desultory fire on Vicksburg with his mortar 
boats, the afifairs of Grant, his colleague, and the Army of 
the South-west did not, during that and the next month, 
bear at all a prosperous aspect. Sickness, too, was in 
the Federal camp. 

Meanwhile Banks and Farrag-ut were at work about 
Port Hudson, and on the 14th March Farragut, advancing 
his whole fleet, succeeded, in the face of a furious bom- 
bardment, in forcing through his own ship and one other. 
The Northern public apprehended for these two the fate 
of the ^ Queen ' and ' Indianola;' but Farragut was made 
of stern stuff. He recaptured the wrecked and damaged 
' Indianola.' No Confederate vessel could cope with him, 
and he dominated in some degree the Mississippi, cutting 
off the supplies from the trans-fluvial region which were 
all-important to the Vicksburg garrison."^ 

* New York Herald, Times, Tribune, World. EehelUon Becard. J. T. 
Headley, Farragut and our Naval Commanders (New York, 1867). Swinton. 
Twelve Decisive Battles of the War. 



Ch. ni. OPEEATIONS AGAINST VICKSBUEG. 



107 



April. The plot was thickening. Grant was resolved 
on bolder measures, and had matured his plans. Porter 
was all on fire to emulate Farragut's success. Could 
Porter run his gunboats and transports below Yicksburg, 
Grant would immediately march his army down to them, 
and by their aid cross the Mississippi and strike at the 
rear, hitherto so unapproachable. These plans Grant 
forwarded, as he thought himself in duty bound to do, to 
the President, the official Commander-in-Chief of the 
United States armies. Pending the answer, and the com- 
pletion of Porter's preparations, he engaged in a few more 
projects, apparently to amuse and distract the enemy, for 
by this time he placed little reliance on canals. Pie com- 
menced one, however — a variation of the cut across the 
peninsula. An ineffectual attack on the fortifications 
controlling the mouth of the Yazoo was made ; and 
another expedition was sent into the creeks of the Upper 
Yazoo. 

The reply which Grant received as to the project he 
had submitted to the head of the Government was of a 
nature to have discouraged a man of less firmness. Mr. 
Lincoln disapproved of the scheme as over bold ; declared 
it, indeed, too rash for his sanction. Grant, however,, 
was confident that he would be justified by success, and 
continued his measures, notwithstanding the heavy weight 
of responsibility which he thereby took upon his shoulders. 
According to the arrangements concerted. Admiral Porter, 
mth eight war- vessels and three transports, passed on the 
night of the 16th April the Yicksburg batteries. All 
safely got by, with the exception of one transport, and 
complete success was attained by the safe following of a 
dozen transports a few days afterwards. Meanwhile 
General Grant had marched south to a point on his bank 
of the river opposite to a little town called Bruinsberg, 



108 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 



about thirty miles below Vicksburg, The successful 
fleet immediately joined him there, took him and his army 
on board, and landed them across the river at Bruinsberg 
(April 30th). 

May and June. Grant lost not a moment in striking 
out his work. Findino; a Confederate force in his vi- 
cinity, he immediately gave battle (1st May), thrust it 
aside, and marched towards Jackson, the capital of the 
State of Mississippi. At Kaymond, on the 12th, a de- 
tachment of Pemberton's, which made a desperate but 
vain effort to turn him from his course, was served in the 
same manner. Grant was not to be daunted by the army 
of Johnston, which some rumours rated as high as 40,000 
men, and on the J^th Jie carried by storm the city of 
Jackson, in the teeth of the troops which actually com- 
posed that generaFs army."^ The material fruits of this 
able movement now began to show themselves. The rail- 
ways from north to south, and from west to east, of 
Central Mississippi were severed by the occupation of 
Jackson. Vicksburg was cut off from supplies, and all 
that General Grant had to do was to advance and close 
round the devoted city. The railways being torn up, the 
principal public buildings destroyed, and all the available 
stores of the enemy appropriated, the Federals left Jackson, 
and, facing to the west again, marched forward to take 
possession of their prize. Though Pemberton made a last 
effort in the open field — a stand upon the banks of the Big 
Black Biver — ^^he was overpowered, driven up to his forti- 
fications, and' the place completely hemmed in. This 
battle is notable for the greatwant of gallantry shown by the 

^ Jackson was the third State caxsital which fell into the hands of the 
Federals, having been preceded by Nashville, the chief town of Tennessee, 
and both New Orleans and Baton Eouge, the real and official chief cities of 
Louisiana. 



Ch. III. 



SIEGE OF VICKSEUEG-, 



109 



Confederate soldiers, of which the Confederate authorities 
speak in marked terms of reprobation. Pemberton, buoyed 
up still by hope of succour or relief from Johnston, 
determined to hold out for some time lono;er. 

Vicksburg was now invested according to military 
routine (18th May) ; cannonaded, assaulted, and ap- 
proached by trenches and parallels ; to which, after failing 
in an attempt to storm the place on the 22nd, General 
Grant confined himself, assured that the slower but safer 
operations of blockade would bring it under. The attack 
mentioned failed partly, and was attended with greater 
slaughter, through the mismanagement and non-execution 
of Grant's orders. But this unfortunate reverse had no 
influence on the event of the siege. General Grant steadily 
tightened his lines, gradually worked closer and closer up, 
and exploded a mine or two. He was aware that time 
was fighting for him — that every day the provisions of the 
besieged were diminishing, and that garrison and citizens 
were becoming wearied. It is a moot point whether 
Pemberton should not have attempted, whilst his large 
forces were in good heart, to fight his way out. As to 
Grant's supplies, everything was in order, for the mouth 
of the Yazoo River above Yicksburg being now occupied 
by his right flank, he was in uninterrupted communication 
with Porter and the fleet again. That offlcer, who had 
his vessels both above and below the town, was anxious 
still to keep to himself a share in the operations, and from 
time to time vigorously bombarded the place. With 
this, cannonading on the land side, and the * several mines 
which told more or less against the forts of Vicksburg, the 
Federals through the month of June wore out the patience 
of the defenders ; and at length, when Pemberton and his 
officers had already tasted mule-flesh, and all hopes of 
relief by Johnston began to fail, all became reconciled to 



no 



GRAOT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. ni. 



a surrender. Communications were opened with Grant 
by Pemberton on the 3rd of July. A brief personal 
interview took place between the two generals. Pemberton 
said, ^ General Grant, I meet you to arrange terms for the 
capitulation of the city of Vicksburg and its garrison. 
^Yhat terms do you demand?' Grant replied with his 
famous two words, ^ Unconditional surrender.' * Uncon- 
ditional surrender," said Pemberton, ^ never, so long as I 
have a man left me, I will fight rather.' To this Grant, 
removing the cigar from between his teeth, coolly replied, 
^ Then, Sir, you can continue the defence. My army has 
never been in a better condition for the prosecution of the 
siege.'' The negotiation broke off for a little while, but 
eventually Pemberton came to, and surrendered on terms 
very little, if at all, short of unconditional. On the 4th 
of July the Federal army marched into Vicksburg. 
Grant's losses during the period from 1st May to the 4th 
of July amounted to 8,575. At this comparatively trifling 
cost he had made the most splendid capture of the whole 
war. His official report states that he captured altogether 
36,400 men. Although we must deduct two or three 
thousand for prisoners taken in the battles preceding, the 
total number surrendered and paroled was nearly 32,000. 
Grant estimated also that Pemberton had lost in the same 
period 10,000 in killed and wounded.* 

During the six months v/hose events we have been 
narrating, the citizens of the Union had watched with 
unceasing interest, chequered by anxiety or satisfaction 
at each reverse or success, the movements of the Army of 
the South-west ; and as the siege drew to a close. Grant's 

* Grant, Official Hejyort. Coppee, Grant and his Camjjaigyis. i\Ii'. 
Pollard, theSoutliern historian, says that but little over 25,000 prisoners 
■were taken in Vicksburg. Third Year of the War. The news of the two 
great reverses of Gettysburg and Vicksburg arrived in Richmond on the 
same day. 



Ch. III. 



CAPTUEE OF VICKSBUEG. 



Ill 



reputation grew higher and higher, and the enquiry as 
to the history, talents, and principles of the successful 
general, grew more and more urgent. While he lay before 
Yicksburg he was waited upon by a deputation of poli- 
ticians from Illinois, who were desirous to learn Grant's 
opinions upon public affairs, there being at that time much 
discussion and agitation rife in the States respecting the 
conduct of the war, and the alleged arbitrary measures 
of the Government. The wary Ulysses, who listened 
composedly to their address, while puffing away as usual 
at his incessant cigar, briefly declined conversation with 
them, on the ground that he knew nothing of politics. 
* There is one subject,' he added, ^ with which I am per- 
fectly acquainted, and if you like to talk about that, I am 
your man.' 'What is that. General?' asked one of the 
citizens. * Tanning leather,' replied Grant.^ 

But as soon as the conclusion of the Gettysburg cam- 
paign, coincident, as the reader will recollect, with the 
fall of Yicksburg, allowed the public attention to revert 
to the great Mississippi victory. Grant's services received 
a greater and juster acknowledgment than the flattering 
congratulations of a few interested sycophants. The 
President, a week after he received the news, wrote him 
a letter, in which he congratulated him, and thanked him 
in the name of the country for the ' almost inestimable 
services ' he had rendered it. After frankly confessing 
the solicitude with which he had noted the general's move- 
ments in the rear of Yicksburg, and the disapprobation 
they had then raised in his mind, Mr. Lincoln concluded 
his letter with the noble avowal, 'You were right, and I 
was wrong.'' Furthermore, he procured immediately the 
consent of the Senate to the bestowal on Grant of the rank 
of Major-General in the regular army. 

^ New York Herald, January 5. 1864. 



112 



GEANT'S CASIPAIGN AGAIXST EICmiOND. 



Ch. III. 



The Federal campaign of the Mississippi Yalley was 
now virtually over, for a few days after the surrender of 
Vicksburg its sister fortress, Port Hudson, submitted, 
and the Grreat River, according to the President's phrase, 
^ran once more unvexed to the sea.' The hot fio^htino: of 
the summer of 1863 — the crisis of the whole war — crave 
place to its languishing autumn, in which the Confede- 
rates were too exhausted to continue operations in such 
a furious way, the Federals too tired and too cautious ; 
their armies unanimously thankful for rest and breathing 
time. None needed it more than the army under Grant ; 
and in it there was no private who had worked harder 
than the general himself. Notwithstanding ill health and 
lassitude, however, he remained at his post — at Yicksburg 
— where indeed he had nov/, at any rate, quiet. He re- 
mained there during July and August, while most of his 
brigadiers took trips home on furlough. The two or three 
who stayed he employed in driving J ohnston out of Mis- 
sissippi, supporting the Federal authority in Louisiana 
and Arkansas, and in keeping a strict watch against any 
Rebel communication across the great stream now in 
Federal possession. 

But General Grant was not destined to enjoy this rest, 
such as it was, for more than a month or two. The popu- 
lar wish was for a resumption of active campaigning by 
the captor of Vicksburg ; and at the end of September, 
when it was still matter of speculation to what field the 
Government might assign him, a contingency arose which 
at once offered work for military genius of the highest 
order, and in which the Government might congratulate 
themselves that they had a man of Grant's talents at 
their disposal. The Federal army of the Cumberland — 
long camped near Nashville, the capital of Tennessee — 
had been led by its commander, Rosencranz, in a dashing 



Ch. III. 



CHATTANOOGA. 



113 



march across the Cumberland Ridge of mountains to the 
point where the States of Tennessee, Ahibama, and 
Georgia meet ; had occupied successfully, owing to the 
indecision of the enemy's general, the city of Chatta- 
nooga ; and then advancing further, encountered, notwith- 
standing such fair auspices, a serious defeat in the battle 
of Chickamauga. Eosencranz was very soon superseded ; 
and v/hile General Thomas, who had been mainly instru- 
mental in saving the army and putting Chattanooga in 
a state of defence, was rewarded with his position, the 
Government summoned Grant to repair as soon as pos- 
sible from the Mississippi and superintend the redressing 
of the Union interests. By a General Order of October 
16 he was endowed with the supreme command over the 
three military departments of tlie Ohio, the Cumberland, 
and the Tennessee. By the official advices and his own 
judgment Grant perceived the urgency of endeavouring 
to transfer a portion of his own forces to the new scene of 
action, and previous to leaving the Mississippi he made 
arrangements that Sherman should conduct a corps 
through Northern Alabama. This settled, he hastened 
to Chattanooga, travelling up the IMississippi to Cairo, 
and thence by the Kentutky railroads, arriving on the 
spot by October 23. A month had then just elapsed 
from the battle which had caused the imbroglio. During 
the interval the Confederate General Bragg, who had 
gained the victory by the help of troops and generals 
from the Virginian army, had frittered away the time 
without taking a vigorous offensive ; and when Grant 
arrived the Federals could survey undismayedly the 
enemy's menacing demonstrations on the Look-out Moun- 
tain and Missionary Ridge ; for, putting aside the confi- 
dence inspired by the presence of the new and famous 
chief, they had been strengthened by reinforcements from 

I 



114 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Ch. III. 



the Army of the Potomac. Unluckily too^ for the Con- 
federates, fatal dissensions existed between their generals, 
Longstreet, fresh from Virginia, being as rash as Bragg 
was hesitating. The consequence was, that towards the 
middle of November the former, tired by his colleague's 
indecision, insisted on moving off "with a portion of the 
forces to attempt the capture of Knoxville, in East Ten- 
nessee, which Burnside was holding under Grant's orders. 
He left just when he was most w^anted. On the 18th, 
Grant's lieutenant, Sherman, arrived in the Federal 
camp, after an arduous march of nearly 300 miles from 
tlie banks of the Mississippi ; and Grant, thus strength- 
ened, and aware of Longstreet's departure, immediately 
made ready to rid himself effectually of the shadow of 
investment whicli still obtained round Chattanooga. He 
had under him three generals of note — Sherman, Thomas, 
and Hooker (late of the army of the Potomac) ; and the 
troops, which had been famishing when he took command, 
Avere now — thanks to some engineering operations which 
had opened roads to the rear and admitted supplies — in 
excellent heart and condition. The whole Federal army 
issued forth from the fortifications on November 23 ; and 
in two days the Confederates, so lately the besiegers, were 
flying wildly from the field of battle. The movement 
has been described as the greatest sortie on record in the 
history of the world. One division rushed up the sides 
of Look-out Mountain, drove the Confederates from the 
elevated and entrenched position there, and flung them 
down into the valley at the bottom of the hill. Sherman, 
on the left wdng, after some hard fighting, overpowered a 
more strenuous resistance, and carried the Missionary 
Ridge. While the Confederates were attempting to hold 
this post, Grant launched fresh troops at their weakened 



Ch. III. 



CHATTANOOGA. 



115 



centre ; their connections were broken^ and all tlieir divi- 
sions liaFtily dispersed for the South. 

Grant, who had planned these attacks, personally super- 
intended all the while the'r execution. Stationing himself 
on the summit of Fort Wood, the most elevated of the 
defences of Chattanooga, he enjoyed a perfect view cf 
the whole operations ; and using his ample forces with 
magnificent tactical skill, an order transmitted from time 
to time by his aides strengthened one column, directed the 
course of another, or advanced fresh ones to complete the 
victory. Advantageous as the General's location was for 
range of view, it was a post of great danger, and he was as 
much exposed as if he had been at the head of the troops. 
At one time, till the Look-out Mountain was taken, the 
shot and shell from both armies passed over him.^"" 

The approach of winter and the lack of due arrange- 
ments for supplies deterred the Federals from attempting 
any further advance from the rescued Chattanooga, be- 
yond a twenty mile pursuit of Bragg across the Georgian 
border. When returned from this, a portion of the army 
was despatched to beat off Longstreet from before Knox- 
ville, and with that operation the campaigning of the yeax^ 
1863 came to an end. 

We have now reviewed the whole of Grant's operations 
in the West, distinguished by the capture of Fort Donel- 
son, the battle of Pittsburg Landing, the siege and cap- 
ture of Vicksburg, and the relief and resumption of 
Federal success at Chattanooga; and the reader may 
judge the degree of merit to which, in his estimation^ 
Grant was entitled for all these successes : may admire 
the steady aim, the invincible resolution, with which he 

* New York Newspapers. 'E.es.dlQ-^, Life of Grant. VoWdjrd, Third Year of 
the War. Harper's Weekly. Beport of General Meigs. Our Great Captains., 

I 2 



116 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 



pressed upon an object ; tlie patient endurance which was 
yet tempered with ample energy and hardihood when the 
occasion required it. He will not think the less of these 
merits w^hen he considers the modest bearing of the man 
who had achieved them. Let him, then, when he has 
arrived at a sober estimate of praise, double it, or three 
times turn it over, and he will perhaps appreciate the 
rank which Grant beo an to take in American estimation — 
the idolatry with which the Federals, long wearying for 
a genuine commander, began to regard him. The news- 
papers already hailed him as the coming chief of the 
army, and the man who was to crush the rebellion. In 
their articles he was compared with most of the military 
heroes of the Old W'orld, and, amongst other laudatory 
epithets, they called him of course the ' Napoleonic ' 
Grant. Then the journals ran into speculations, all rose- 
coloured, as to his probable next undertakings. The 
audacious ' New York Herald' began, entirely unauthorised 
or encouraged by the General himself, to * run' him — i. e. 
to advocate him as a candidate — for the Presidency, the 
time of election being then more than a year distant. It 
declared, in bragging terms which he would never have 
used, that were Grant in power he would — irrespective of 
that trifling business, crushing the rebellion — either by 
' friendly notice ' or by force,' compel Great Britain to 
acknowledge and settle all claims on her, and France to 
withdraw her troops from Mexico. Then verses were 
composed in his honour by the dozen, and the newspaper 
editorials teemed with allusions to hun as * the great 
tanner,' who was to ' tan ' the Rebels. Still further 
honours were in «tore for General Grant. The thanks of 
both Houses of Congress were voted to him, immediately 
those bodies assembled. A day or two after, one of the 
members of the Upper House made an appeal for the en- 



Ch. III. 



TOUE THEOUGH KEXTUGKY. 



117 



rolment at once of a million volunteers. The motion was 
too extravagant for men of common sense, comprising as 
it did that Congress itself should be among them ; but 
the Senator aptly hit the tone of popular opinion when 
he proposed that the command of them should be given 
to IMajor-General Grant. 

Meanwhile our hero, hard-worked as he had been all 
through the last two years, was still combining mth the 
furlough, which the inactivity of winter allowed him to 
take, no little labour for the nation. He left Chattanooga 
for the North towards the end of December 1863, and 
first of all journeyed on horseback through Eastern Ten- 
nessee and Kentucky with his staff, to make himself ac- 
quainted with the Federal military position there. It was 
an arduous and uninviting journey. The region is moun- 
tainous, comprising some of the highest points of the 
Alleghany range. The season was very severe, and the con- 
tinuous fall of snow aggravated the other miseries of the 
rough roads. Many times General and staff hj\d to walk 
on foot down hills where horses were obliged to be led. 
There were not wanting the perils of attacks by guerillas, 
either. The General thoroughly performed his inspec- 
tion, however ; made some stay at Knoxville, examined 
Cumberland Gap and the other military posts, and then 
finishing his detour, recovered railway facilities at the town 
of Lexington, in Kentucky. The people of that State had 
thronged to see him on his route, and at Lexington a large 
assembly received him with enthusiastic clamour. He 
was pressed to make a speech to the crowd which had got 
together, but Ulysses was diflftdent of his powers of ora- 
tory, and practised a reticence which has since become 
noted as one of his most marked characteristics. Ac- 
knowledging briefly the plaudits of the throng, he pro- 
ceeded by rail to Louisville, the chief city of the State 



118 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 



There a similar reception awaited him, and still greater 
crowds. The Kentuckians are said to have been rather 
disappointed with the personal appearance of the hero, 
for this reason ; amongst the immensely tall raw-boned 
men which their State produces pre-eminently, the General, 
a man of medium stature, looked short. * I thought he 
would have been a large man,' remarked one of those who 
looked down on him, and added, ^ We should consider him 
a small chance of a fighter in this country.' The honest 
Kentuckian evidently expected that a great conqueror 
must be a man of colossal proportions. 

In ail the Western towns through which he passed he 
met with an enthusiastic reception ; and when he arrived 
at St. Louis, w^here he rejoined his wife and family, his 
presence was bespoken, as soon as his domestic cares (the 
sickness of a son) would allow it, for a grand entertain- 
ment preparing expressly in his honour. This took place 
on January 30, 1864. The citizens of St. Louis did 
not succeed in getting a speech out of the hero. Gen- 
erals Rosencranz, Schofield, and Osterhaus, with many 
others, were present, and had plenty to say for themselves ; 
Governor Yates of Illinois sent a letter takino- credit to 
himself for the first promotion of Grant ; but from the 
hero himself — a man of deeds, not words — nothing could 
be got beyond the briefest expression of thanks for the 
banquet. 

While these honours attended General Grant in his 
trip to his old Western residence, others were preparing 
for him in the East. The Americans had adopted as a 
title for their highest and supreme military officer (under 
the President, always officially the Commander-in-Chief) 
the old English appellation of Lieutenant-General. This 
title had been conferred upon the aged General Scott, 
but upon the tacit abolition of his authority, which soon 



Ch. III. GEANT MADE LIEUTENANT-GENERAL. 



119 



followed the opening of the wai% the term dropped. It 
was now proposed to revive it for Grants and on elanuary 25 
a bill was brought into Cons^ress ^ to authorise the Presi- 
dent to confer the title of Lieutenant- General upon any 
commander with rank not below Major-General, most 
distinguished for skill, courage and ability, and that such 
officer thus commissioned shall command the armies of 
the United States.' This bill was passed on February 1, 
with a recommendation ^ that the rank be bestowed upon 
General Ulysses S. Grant.' A month after it received 
the official sanction of the President, and on March 12 
the following General Order of the War Department was 
promulgated, and enlightened the public curiosity on the 
important changes in command which had been for some 
time expected. 

' War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, 
Washington, March 12, 1864. 

' General Orders, No. 98. 

' The President of the United States orders 
as follow^s : — 

^ 1. Major-General Halleck is, at his own request, 
relieved from duty as General-in-Chief of the Army, 
and Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant is assigned to the 
command of the armies of the United States. The 
head-quarters of the army will be in Washington, and 
also with Lieutenant-General Grant in the field. 

' 2. Major-General Halleck is assigned to duty in Wash- 
ington as Chief of Staff of the army, under the direction 
of the Secretary of War and the Lieutenant-General 
commanding. His orders will be obeyed and respected 
accordingly. 

' 3. Major-General W. T. Sherman is assigned to the 
command of the military division of the Mississippi, com- 



120 GRANT'S C.1]\IPAIGN AGAINST EICIQIOND. Ch. III. 



posed of the department of the Ohio, the Cumberland, 
the Tennessee, and the Arkansas. 

'4. Major-General J. P. M'Pherson is assigned to 
the command of the department and army of the Ten- 
nessee. 

' 5. In relieving Major-General Halleck from duty as 
General-in-Chief, the President desires to express his 
approbation and thanks for the zealous manner in which 
the arduous and responsible duties of that position have 
been performed. 

' By order of the Secretary of War, 

E. D. TOWNSEND, 

Assistant Adjutant-General.' 

Returning from the West in the middle of February, 
after paying a flying visit to Chattanooga, General Grant, 
who had been made aware of the honours in store for 
him, set out for Washington to receive from the President 
personally his commission — to have his first interview 
with him. The only member of the Government he had 
seen was Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War. Only once — 
and then only for a day — had he visited the capital of 
his country. He had no acquaintances there, and w^as 
going almost entirely among strangers. Though he 
knew nobody, however, he soon found that people knew 
him. Arriving by the ordinary day train on March 8, 
he proceeded unostentatiously to Willard's Hotel. No 
sooner had he entered the dining-room, at 5 P.3i., than 
he was recognised. He had modestly seated himself at 
table with his little boy, whom he led by the hand, when 
a orentleman who had seen him at New Orleans s^reeted 
him by name. Others, whose attention was caught by 
the circumstance, recognised the quiet determined face 
which photographs had made familiar to them, and in an 



Ch. III. 



GEAXT'S AEEIVAL AT WASHINGTON. 



121 



instant the news that General Grant was present spread 
through the room. The hundreds of guests — members of 
Congress^ Supreme Court Judges, officers, lawyers — rose at 
once from then- seats, and — mingled with a bevv of fair 
ladies and the very clerks and domestics of the hotel, 
who in the enthusiasm of the moment forgot their duties 
— crowded round General Grant. He bowed his thanks 
for the cheers which burst forth, and blushed most boy- 
ishly at the tumultuous plaudits which were showered on 
him. In the ev ening, when he went to the White House, 
to the President's customary leyee, he encountered a still 
more tremendous reception. It was a most ludicrous 
introduction for him to the yarious members of the Cabi- 
net. To gratif)" the respectable mob which beset him, 
the Ministers of State suggested his mounting on a sofa, 
and ^Ir. Seward, the Secretary of State, having, to giye 
him confidence, ascended first, Ulysses brayely planted 
himself on that eleyation. Xext he promenaded the 
rooms for a little while, and responded as liberally as was 
possible to the solicitations for shakes of the hand which 
eyerybod}^ put forth."^ To please all in this respect would 
haye taken seyeral hours, howeyer, and as soon as was 
practicable the General hurried off to the residence of 
Mr. Seward, who was bent on being his entertainer for 
that night. After all this he was to haye undergone the 
infliction — more Americano — of a serenading, but the late- 
ness of the hour at which he got back to Willard's saved 
him from this. These honours and festiyities were not at 
all to his taste, and the embarrassment they gaye him was, 
it is said, painful to ^^itness. Yet he could bear himself 

* ' There has never been such a coat-tearing, button-bursting jam in the 
White House as this soldier Las occasioned,' says the Washington corre- 
spondent of the Xevj York Tribune, in narrating these events. ' The cheering 
and waving of handkerchiefs was in the customary fury of Americans over 
popular favoiu'ites.' 



122 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIisST EICHMOXD. Ch. III. 



nobly enough when the occasion was important, when the 
affair in hand was business, and his part was action. The 
next day was an instance of this. Proceeding again to 
the President's mansion, taking with him, according to 
his homely manner, his little son — two aides-de-camp who 
attended him showing, however, that the modest- looking 
officer yvas a general of high rank — he w^as ushered into 
the council chamber, where all the members of the Govern- 
ment, wath a few selected generals, were assembled. As 
soon as he had entered the room, the President, stepping 
forw^ard, said: 'General Grant, the nation's appreciation of 
what you have done, and its reliance upon you for what 
remains to do in the ensuing great struggle, are now pre- 
sented with this commission constituting you Lieutenant- 
General in the army of the United States. With this 
honour a.lso devolves upon you a corresponding responsi- 
bility. As the country herein trusts in you, so under 
God it will sustain you. I scarcely need to add that 
with what I here speak for the nation goes my own 
hearty personal concurrence.' The Lieutenant-General, 
accepting the roll from Mr. Lincoln's hands, replied in 
these words : * Mr. President, I accept this commission, 
with o'ratitude for the hio-h honour conferred. ^Vith the 
aid of the noble armies that have fought on so many fields 
for our common country, it Avill be my earnest endeavour 
not to disappoint your expectations. I feel the full weight 
of the responsibilities now devolving upon me, and I 
know that if they are met it will be due to those armies, 
and above all to the favour of that Providence which 
leads both nations and men.' 

The contrast was great between the two men who thus 
addressed each other : Lincoln, the tallest man of all in 
the room, six feet four inches in height, and of a most 
singular and expressive countenance ; Grant, five feet 



Ch. III. 



GEANT AND LINCOLN. 



123 



eight inclies high, ordinary, though sufficiently strong 
make, features utterly devoid of character, except the 
sharp well cut nose and the grim heavy lower jaw. 

Grant now determined to cut short his visit to Wash- 
ington, that the provoking enthusiasm of which he 
was the object might have time to cool. To make 
acquaintance with the Army of the Potomac, however, 
he made a flying trip on the 10th to the camp on the 
Rapidan. The Army of the Potomac does not seem to 
have received him with any great enthusiasm. The 
repeated failures of the chiefs to whom its leading had in 
succession been entrusted caused a dispiriting disbelief 
in generals to exist in the minds of some of its men. 
M'Clellan, the only chief who had ever gained its affec- 
tion, had proved a failure ; Pope, Burnside, and Hooker, 
had led it recklessly to destruction ; Meade, more fortu- 
nate in the active events of the term of his command, had 
not acquired popularity, had been sneered at and accused 
even, like his predecessors. The reminiscence of such 
oft-repeated changes and failures damped the excitement 
w^hich the visit of the Western hero might otherY>4se have 
aroused. Not but that there was considerable interest 
evinced, and sufficient demonstrations of welcome. Gene- 
rals and regimental officers especially were on the alert, 
and speculated on the changes which were looked for in 
the regime and organisation of the army. For these men 
were to wait a little. The Lieutenant-General returned 
to Washington the same day. He had a long consul- 
tation, accompanied by General Meade, with the Presi- 
dent and the Secretary of War, and on the evening of 
the 12th quietly, almost secretly, departed for the West 
again. By this means he escaped the further oppressive 
civilities of his well-meaning admirers. A military dinner 
had been got up for that very evening to do him honour. 



124 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. III. 

It took place, but, it was remarked, ' was like the play of 
Hamlet with Hamlet left out.' 

But Grant had now the most serious business of his 
life in hand. Full powers had been accorded to him — 
powers such as no American general had before possessed ; 
full povfers and abundant resources. All things were to be 
given to him, and in return he was to give the nation 
Richmond. 

The President was ready, in execution of the mshes of 
the nation, to defer to the Lieutenant-General in all 
military matters ; and the Secretary of War — the indefa- 
tigable but too despotically inclined Mr. Stanton — after 
a little hesitation, showed himself willing to accept a 
' Lieutenant-General ' as ^ a fact,' and to work amicably 
with him. 

At Is^ashville, on the 17th, General Grant issued his 
General Order assuming the grade of Lieutenant-General. 
It contained also the statement, which was hoped for and 
anticipated by the nation, that he intended to head per- 
sonally the Army of the Potomac. 

People augured well of the Lieutenant-General from 
the modesty with which he bore his elevation. He did not 
stop to toy with the various little dignities with which his 
position invested him, but settled earnestly to his duties. 
Having made all the arrangements required in Tennessee, 
and impressed on his old follower and favourite subor- 
dinate, Sherman, the measures and final advance move- 
ment which he wished him to carry out, he returned to 
Washington and the camp on the Rapidan. The 
Army of the Potomac was to have a ' reorganisation ' 
at his hands — a root and branch renovation in every 
respect. 

On the 21st he arrived at Washington. On the 24th 
he proceeded to the camp on the Rapidan, and established 



Ch. Ill, 



EEFOEMS BY GENERAL GEANT. 



125 



his head-quarters there. A day or two after he returned 
to Washington, and held a consultation with the Presi- 
dent and the Secretary of War. Then, after returning to 
the camp, he, with General Meade, made a visit by a 
special steamboat to Fortress Monroe, to examine its 
capabilities as a basis of operations. He came back to 
Washington in a few days, and again proceeded to the 
camp on the Rapidan. The machinery for working the 
army he considered too complicated ; from five corps, or 
representative portions of corps, he reduced it into three : 
the 2nd corps under General W. S. Hancock, the 5th 
General G. K. Warren, and the 6th General J. Sedg- 
wick. The army was strongly reinforced, troops being 
withdrawn from many scattered stations to help to swell 
the numbers for the grand movement upon liichmondj 
till the total force on the Kapidan approached 120,000 
men. Besides this, Burnside's corps was brought to the 
neighbourhood of Washington, augmented partly with 
coloured troops, and held ready to act as a reserve corps 
with the Army of the Potomac. 

General Grant made many changes in the ranks and 
commands of the generals of corps and of divisions ; all 
were at his disposal, and he despatched this one to the 
West, or recalled that to the East, at his pleasure. He 
desired to have at his side some of the officers who had 
followed him in the West; and he thought it well to 
strengthen Sherman, who was to move in the West, 
jointly with his advance, by some of the talent of the 
Potomac generals. Thus two brilliant young cavalry 
generals were made to change places — Sheridan, long 
associated with Grant in the West, was to aid him in 
Virginia ; and Kilpatrick was sent to head the cavalry of 
General Sherman. General W. F. Baidy ') Smith, 
Grant's chief engineer at Chattanooga, was brought to 



126 GEATsT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. Ill, 



tlie East, and appointed to aid General Butler in a move- 
ment up the James River. 

It is now time to explain the policy which Grant en- 
tertained for crushing the final resistance of Richmond. 
This may be very simply done in his own words : — ^ From 
the first I was firm in the conviction that no peace 
could be had that would be stable and conducive to the 
happiness of the people, both Xorth and South, until 
the military power of the rebellion was entirely broken. 
I therefore determined first to use the g-reatest number 
of troops practicable against the armed force of the enemy, 
preventing him from using the same force at different 
seasons against first one and then another of our armies, 
and the possibility for repose for refitting and producing 
necessary supplies for carrying on resistance. Second, 
to hammer continuously against the armed force of the 
enemy and his resources, until by mere attrition, if in no 
other way, there should be nothing left to him but an 
equal submission with the loyal section of our common 
country to the constitution and laws of the land.' The 
most remarkable feature of the Lieutenant-General's 
plan of war was the constant simultaneous action of his 
army and that of Sherman. Before this the armies in 
the East and West acted independently, and without 
concert ; to use the Lieutenant-General's expression, 
' like a balky team^ no two ever pulling together.' 
Now, under his sole control, they were to advance to- 
gether, and the Southern armies of both East and West 
were to be followed and fought regardless of season and 
weather, and w^tliout the least respite. 

After the middle of April had passed, the rain in which 
had delayed for a little while the movements of the army 

^ Grant, O^cial Report for 1861-, 1865, (Washington, July 22, I860,) 
p. 1. 



Ch. III. 



SIG^^S OP COMINa CONFLICT. 



127 



on the Rapidan, the signs of the near approach of the 
opening of Grant's campaign became abundant and in- 
teresting. All non-military attendants and visitors of the 
Army of the Potomac, Government employes, sanitary 
and Christian commissioners, and newspaper correspon- 
dents excepted, were ordered to leave the camp by a 
certain date. All sutlers and their hano^ers-on had the 
same injunction, under penalty, if remaining beyond time, 
of confiscation of goods and hard labour. All the impedi- 
menta of the camp, the untransportable stores, and all the 
private comforts and appliances of ease which the long 
fixedness of the camp had given officers and many soldiers 
the opportunity to collect, went by the board. They were 
to be sent to the rear w^ith as little delay as possible. 
All furloughs and leaves of absence were stopped, and 
thorough lists and reports of regiments were prepared, 
looked over and verified by the commanders of each 
corps. Reviews took place, and General Grant inspected 
in turn each of the three consolidated corps. The head- 
quarters were advanced to Culpepper Court-house, and 
officers of the rearward corps made daily pilgrimages 
there to learn the prospects of action. By April 20, ac- 
cording to the order before mentioned, the sutlers retired 
from the camp. They fell back to Washington, some three 
thousand in number, where they filled the streets with 
the rumours and forecasts of the coming battle which had 
gone about the ranks of the army. Nor was such intel- 
ligence as they might afibrd to be despised ; for, on the 
22nd, a Government order stopped the transmission of 
news from Virginia. The public immediately rushed 
to the conclusion that ^ Lee or Grant had commenced 
moving.' The suspicion was but a little premature, and 
every day, every hour, the signs that a great battle was 
at hand— the little storm-signals of which many precedents 



128 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOXD. Ch. III. 



had now established the perfect accuracy — grew more 
intense. 

Before we close this chapter, and set the Army of the 
Potomac fairly in motion, we must chronicle yet another 
or two of the remarkable expressions of enthusiasm for 
Grant, the abundance of which, before he was started on 
his campaign, caused many to wonder what greater honour 
could be shown to him should he prove successful. 

The English army, as we all know, was headed at 
"Waterloo by officers fresh from a ball; the Federal 
Americans, who had so often desiderated a ' Waterloo ' 
in Virginia, were determined to precede the advance 
known to be impending by festivities, enthusiasm, and 
glorification of Grant. A great Sanitary Fair had 
been organised in New York — a fair with the laudable 
desio-n of raisins^ funds for the humane institution to 
which a tribute of respect was paid in the last chapter. 
Similar fairs had already taken place in some of the cities 
of the West, the articles for sale being in great part volun- 
tary contributions — manufacturers and retailers, large and 
small, lavishly giving donations in kind for the benefit of 
the nation's soldiers."^ The New York fair, as was na- 
tural, surpassed all the previous ones. It was inaugu- 
rated April 4, with imposing ceremonies, and remained 
open throughout the month. 

But, conjointly with the fair, its organisers and sup- 
porters had brought out an American notion, probably 
without precedent in the aifairs military, charitable, or 
ovationary, of any other country. On the elevation of 

* The subject of these sanitary fairs is worthy of more attention than 
the due sequence of our narrative will allow us to give to it. Similar fairs 
afterwards took place in Baltimore and Philadelphia, to which we may 
perhaps revert. The earliest had been held at Chicago, organised by the 
Governors of four of the North-western States, and had features peculiar to 
itself. 



Ch. III. 



ENTHUSIASM FOE GEANT. 



129 



Grant to the lieutenant-generalship, the idea of present- 
ing him with a sword of honour must have occurred to 
many minds : one had indeed been given to him, but — 
the gift of some admirers in Illinois — it could not be taken 
to represent the offering of the nation at large ; and, 
amongst the many gifts which were pressed upon him 
(including a pair of pistols from a celebrated maker), there 
was yet room for a sword. This idea was taken up by 
some of the ingenious promoters and supervisors of the 
New York Sanitary Fair. When the sword was com- 
pleted, however, with all the costly embellishments v/hich 
men have long been accustomed to lavish upon the weapon 
of a master of the art of war, an extraordinary change in 
its destinies was announced. As the object of the fair 
was to raise money for the relief of sick and wounded 
soldiers, and as that object was considered, justly enough, 
to be more important than the giving of the sword to any 
particular officer, lieutenant-general though he might be, 
a ^ sword auction ' was organised, public subscriptions to 
which should decide to which of two generals the sword 
should be given ! These two generals were Grant and — 
the favourite long time past of the army and the people — 
M'Clellan. The latter general had still many adherents 
and admirers ; moreover, many citizens of the Democratic 
party had begun to look upon him as in some measure their 
champion. The sword contest, therefore, became no joking 
affair, but a serious and exciting struggle. As soon as 
the books were opened, voters for either general flocked 
to the fair, to inscribe their name at the cost of one dollar 
on behalf of their favourite. The contest became strenuous 
and absorbing. For a long time the majority was, to the 
surprise of many, against Grant, and up to the very close 
of the fair the papers recorded ^ M'Clellan still a little 
ahead in the sw^ord race.' A number of loyal citizens of 

K 



130 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. m. 



New York, liowever, forming an organisation known as 
the Loyal League, kad been anxiously watching the in- 
clination of the subscription, and had seen with solicitude 
the scale turning against the national Lieutenant-General. 
They immediately organised a vigorous collection among 
the members of their body and their connections, and at 
the last moment came to the rescue with a plumping 
donation of 10,000 dollars (2,250Z.) for Grant. 

In the last few days of the contest, to allow each voter 
to record his vote in the book had become impracticable, 
for it was apprehended that an attempt might be made to 
monopolise the subscription-book at the close, the friends 
of Grant and M'Clellan having become imbued mth quite 
a Montague and Capulet spirit of partisanship. Sub- 
scriptions were therefore ordered to be forwarded in sealed 
envelopes. When the hour for casting votes in the ori- 
ginal way had expired, the votes stood — M'Clellan, 11, 903 ; 
Grant, 9,647 ; majority for M^Clellan, 2,256. But when 
the votes enclosed in envelopes, including the formidable 
Loyal League subscription, had been counted, the ballot 
stood— Grant, 30,291; M^Clellan, 14,509; giving Grant 
a majority of 15,782 over the entire vote cast for General 
M'^Clellan, and the sword it was evident would have been 
his without the aid of the redoubtable Loyal League 
donation. The total of 44,800 dollars (10,0807.) more 
than sufficing to pay for the cost of the sword, the residue 
was handed over to the Sanitary Commission; and so 
closed this affair, than which few stranger money-contests 
have occurred since the day when the Roman legion- 
aries put up the empire at auction, and Didius Julianus 
bought it. 

But by this time the Lieutenant-General had taken 
his final departure for the front. He had worked all things 
in the War Department and in the camp to a satisfactory 



Ch. m. SANITAEY FAIE— SWOED CONTEST. 



131 



state, and the opening of Grant's campaign was a matter 
of days. On April 25 the last of the reinforcements for 
his army, the 9th Army Corps — a great body of 25,000 
men, headed by General Burnside (erst of the Army of the 
Potomac, afterwards in command at Knoxville, Tennes- 
see) — was passed in review at Washington, in the presence 
of the President. Conspicuous among the columns were 
about 5,000 coloured troops, who were thought to march 
well and show a soldierly bearing. All day the roll of 
the drums, the tramp of the men, and the rumble of artil- 
lery and baggage-waggons, resounded in the streets, but 
by the evening the last files had passed over the Long 
Bridge, and a dull and wearying suspense reigned in 
Washington. An agonising anxiety that the battle should 
come, and its event be known, spread through all the great 
13laces of the North. 

In the camp a remarkable order compelling the duty of 
certain regiments and individuals who pleaded that their 
term was expired, signalised the last days of rest, and in- 
dicated the stern command and thorough-going determi- 
nation of the chiefs who now had the army in hand. It 
explains itself — as it did but too plainly to the soldiers — 
for it evidently gave power to an officer, on the slightest 
sign of recreance or disrespect by a soldier, to blow his 
hrains out. Government, or its special representative, Mr. 
Stanton, could not afford to let any veterans slip through 
its fino;ers at this crisis. 

' Head-quarters, Army of the Potomac, 
' May 2. 

' The Commanding Officer has learned that notwithstand- 
ing the caution contained in General Orders No. 22 of 
April 25, 1864, from these head-quarters, there are men 
in the army who refuse to do duty on the ground that 
their term of service has expired. It will be made known 

K 2 



132 GRANT'S CAI\IPAIGN AGAINST RICHIMOND. Ch. III. 

to such men that their conduct being open mutiny, they 
will be punished with death, without trial, unless they 
return to duty ; and hereafter any soldier who refuses to 
do duty on a similar plea will instantly be shot, without 
any form of trial whatever. The honour of the service 
and the necessities of the hour admit of no other disposi- 
tion of such cases. The Commanding General again ex- 
presses the hope that the soldiers of the army will respect- 
fully ask for and cheerfully abide by the decision of the 
War Department with respect to their term of service ; 
but he has no further word or warning for those who at a 
time like the present choose to defy authority. 

^ Corps and other independent commanders are charged 
with the execution of this order. By command of Major 
General Meade. 

^ S. Williams, Assistant Adjutant- General.' 

With such an order ringing in their ears, it may be 
thought that many in the ranks of the Army of the 
Potomac would go but sulkily to the battle-field. It 
caused little impression, or none of the sort, however. 
Yet the army was in no enthusiastic mood. It marched 
out solemnly and gravely to the fight. The well remem- 
bered reverses it had sufifered had worked for good, and 
on its final advance it could at last be said that it went 
forth purged of its pride. ^ The army, heretofore so en- 
thusiastic and vehement, though it goes forward with 
steadiness to do its duty, is still undemonstrative and 
without any signs of apparent enthusiasm,' said one of 
the newspaper chroniclers. But with all their quiet de- 
meanour there was that in the bearing of the men which 
showed ^ that they would not do the work negligently.' 
There was little need, therefore, of the following address, 
which nevertheless was taken in good part : — 



Ch. III. 



ADDEESS TO THE AEMY. 



133 



' Head-quarters, Army of the Potomac. 
'May 4, 1864. 

^ Soldiers ! — Again you are called upon to advance 
upon the enemies of your country. Tlie time and the 
occasion are deemed opportune by your commanding 
general to address you a few words of confidence and 
caution. You have been reorganised, strengthened, and 
fully equipped in every respect. You form a part of the 
several armies of your country — the whole under the 
direction of an able and distinguished general, who enjoys 
the confidence of the Government, the people, and the 
army. Your movement being in co-operation with others, 
it is of the utmost importance that no effort should be 
left unspared to make it successful. 

' Soldiers ! — The eyes of the whole country are looking 
with anxious hope to the blow you are about to strike in 
the most sacred cause that ever called men to arms. 
Remember your homes, your wives and children ; and 
bear in mind, that the sooner your enemies are overcome 
the sooner you will be returned to enjoy the benefits and 
blessings of peace. Bear with patience the hardships and 
sacrifices you will be called upon to endure. Have con- 
fidence in your officers and in each other. Keep your 
ranks on the march and on the battle-field, and let each 
man earnestly implore God's blessing, and endeavour by 
his thoughts and actions to render himself worthy of the 
favour he seeks. With clear conscience and strong arms, 
actuated by a high sense of duty, fighting to preserve the 
Government and the institutions handed down to us by 
our forefathers, if true to ourselves, victory, under God's 
blessing, must and will attend our efforts. 

' George G. Meade, Major-General Commanding. 
' S. Williams, Assistant Adjutant-General.' 



134 GRANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. III. 



The hour was come. On the night of May 3 the 
cavalry and engineering parties crossed the Rapidan, 
and safely and expeditiously threw across double pon- 
toon bridges. The tents were struck, and the army 
moved up to the river bank. All the infantry passed 
over on the 4th without any opposition being experienced ; 
the supply trains followed in the night, and all Grant's 
army was on the south bank of the Rapidan. 



Ch. IV. 



OPENINa OF THE CAmAiaK 



135 



CHAPTEI^ IV. 

THE BATTLE OF SPOTTSTLVANIA. 

Virginia, the ' Mother of Presidents ' and heroes — the 
native State of Washington, the most ancient and long 
the most venerated of the United States — had been the 
last of the seceders to leave the Union. Sympathy with 
her Southern sisters, the cognate promptings of her up- 
holding the ^ domestic institution,' and though last, not 
least, the ambition of her aristocratical leading men,* 
severed the ties of affection which might have kept her 
true to the Union; and on April 17, 1861, when the din 
of armino; could be heard all throuo;h the North and 

* This seems to have been observed as long ago as 1799 by that shrewd 
(though often biassed) Englishman, AVilliam Cobbett. In his Porcxipine for 
March of that year, he says : ' The reader will do well to observe the point 
on which the Virginia politics turn. Virginia will have either a majority in 
Congress or a separation of the States ! and one or the other, I am afraid 
she will have ere two years are at an end. I do not love gloomy prospects 
better than other men, but to shut one's eyes against the light is folly. . . . 
They [the States] can be held together by nothing but the Federal influence 
of the middle States, and more particularly that of Pennsylvaniti. If, there- 
fore, this influence should decline in any considerable degree, a separation 
must inevitably take place, and happy will it be if it should come unaccom- 
panied by a civil war, long, desolating, and bloody.' — Cobbett's Porcufine, 
vol. X. p. 183. 

Much later than the above another English observer of a very different 
class— the late Dr. Daubeny, of Oxford — wrote in his journal, while stopping 
at Eichraond (Virginia), the following prescient sentenice : — ' I have some- 
times thought that ambitious men in the South are making the most of this 
abolition excitement, in order to wean the people from their attachment to 
the Union, and thus to place themselves at the head of an independent 
republic. Time will show.' — Bauheny's Journal, 1837-38. 



136 GEANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



South, lier legislature passed a Secession Ordinance 
similar to those of the other Southern States. This 
done, she took up her new cause with a will. She be- 
came at once the sword and buckler of the Southern 
Confederacy, its frontier State, and the hive of all its 
greatest generals and stoutest soldiers. For three years 
she had kept this pre-eminent position, and had repelled 
the fiercest efforts of the Northern hosts. She was pro- 
digal of her produce, her treasure, and the blood of her 
bravest sons. But 1864 had arrived, and the indepen- 
dence of the South had not been achieved. The hopes 
of European intervention which Virginian diplomatists 
had cherished had been disappointed, and, as the previous 
chapters have shown, the spring of 1864 found the Fede- 
ral army still encamped on the ' sacred soil ' of the ' Old 
Dominion,' and preparing for another advance on its 
capital. Once more, therefore, the gallant army of 
Northern Yirgiaia made ready to bar the way, to fight 
the fight of the Confederacy, and stand the brunt of the 
great Federal host — the far superior numbers of the army 
of the Potomac, with the ablest general of the North at 
their head. 

The army of Northern Virginia had an implicit confi- 
dence in Lee, whom two years' command had endeared 
to it ; but Lee could no longer have the same confidence 
in the army which he had freely indulged in a twelve- 
month before. Its courage and enthusiasm he could still 
depend on ; but he could no longer cheat himself into the 
belief that its power was absolutely the same as when he 
had led it into Pennsylvania. The fatal days at Gettys- 
burg had robbed him of 20,000 of the flower of his 
troops — the veterans of almost unchecked victory. 
Other affairs since that, and the drain from his army 
to reinforce the West, had further enfeebled him; and 



Ch. IV. 



VirxGINLl AND HER SOLDIEES. 



137 



though the bulk of his armj was still composed, of stout 
and fierce soldiers, yet a sprinkling of men older and 
younger than were good material for fighting had begun 
to appear in its ranks ; and the Confed.erate Govemment 
was utterly unable to supply him with such reinforce- 
ments as should have been given to withstand the coming 
onslaught of Grant's army. But the Virginian army had 
sustained another loss vfhich counted for much, though it 
was but of one man. Stonevrall J ackson, dead a year, 
was still keenly bewailed, for he could not be replaced. 
Yet many gallant and able generals still clustered round 
the Virginian head-quarters. There were Ewell and 
Early, two men of singularly gloomy and severe counte- 
nances — noted, too, for rough tempers corresponding 
therewith — but both good and tried soldiers. Longstreet, 
with whom the reader has already cursorily made ac- 
quaintance, had now rejoined the army of Virginia. 
Entrusted with a 'separate command for a time, he had 
been far from successful, and was now again serving 
under General Lee, who was certain of his merits as 
a corps commander. Ambrose P. Hill, another general 
of a corps, next merits attention. He was in his fortieth 
year, had done good service in all Lee's campaigns, and 
had steadily risen in the estimation of his chief and of the 
army. Tall and comely in frame and features, with a 
moustache and peaked beard, his hair dressed in long 
curled locks, with a somewhat melancholy cast of counte- 
nance, he looked like a true descendant of the Eno-lish 
cavaliers. This o-allant Virginian had lono^ been fishtino; 
close to his very homestead, for he was a native of Cul- 
pepper, the little town on the north of the Rapidan, 
almost enclosed in the Federal camp. Then there was 
the celebrated cavalry leader, J. E. B. Stuart, another of 
the brave gentlemen who in some degree justified the 



158 GRANT'S CAiVIPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. lY. 



appellation of ^ Southern chivalry ; ' he bade fair to earn 
for himself the title of ^ the Murat of the South.' This 
young man had long been an intimate friend of General 
Lee, whom he regarded with almost filial affection. Of 
these generals, Ewell, Early, A. P. Hill, and Stuart 
were, like their chief, Virginians born and bred ; and had 
all entered the Confederate army from a feeling of devo- 
tion to their native State, rather than to the abstract idea 
of the Southern Confederacy. Besides these, there were 
of officers known to fame. Generals Pickett, Kershaw, 
McLaws, Anderson, and Edward Johnson, infantry 
brigadiers of long service in Virginia. There were two 
officers of great merit under Stuart in the cavalry branch 
— Fitz-Hugh Lee, nephew of the chief commander, and 
Wade Hampton, a South Carolinian gentleman of opu- 
lence and influence. 

The Federals had gained the south bank of the Kapi- 
dan, and occupied substantially the same position which 
Hooker had taken up in April, 1863. The front of the 
Army of the Potomac was, as then, on the road from 
Fredericksburg to Orange Court-house, with Chancel- 
lorsville, which gave the name to Hooker's defeat, on its 
left, and its right immersed in the woods of the Wilder- 
ness. In its rear flowed the Papidan and Rappahan- 
nock, its left flank standing just before the junction of 
the former river with the latter.^ Only the 2nd, 5th, 
and 6th corps were now in line ; Burnside's was still 
behind the Papidan, but without that rear-guard the 
total of Grant's army was 120,386 men. What forces 

* The end of the war left with the Rappahannock the reputation of heing 
the most blood-stained river of the American continent. Cedar Mountain, 
Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and Spottsylvania, were fought on its banks, 
and dozens of petty engagements ; and it witnessed in 1865 the dog's death 
of the wretched assassin Wilkes Booth. 



Ch. IV. 



BATTLE OF THE WILDEEXESS. 



139 



had Lee to oppose to this formidable enemy? Since the 
war. Southern authorities have stated that the total pf 
Lee's troops of all arms did not exceed 50,000 men, and 
Northern authorities do not seem to consider this esti- 
mate at most more than 10,000 wrong. 

First Day of Battle, May 5, 1864. — The early morning 
saw Lee's bayonets gleaming in the sun, as dense masses 
of his troops moved eastward along the road from Orange 
Court-house to Fredericksburg. The corps of Ewell 
and Hill led the way, Lee T^dth them personally. Long- 
street, with the remaining corps of the army of Virginia, 
was bringing up the rear. The tactics Avhich had been 
crowned with such rare success at Chancellors ville would, 
the Confederates hoped, serve them this time, and Gene- 
ral Lee had no thought of giving up the road to Richmond 
without a battle. 

On his part General Grant was up betimes, and at three 
A.M. was making his dispositions. According to the orders 
for the day, which, however, were only provisional till Lee 
should discover his plans. General Hancock with the 
left wing (2nd corps) led off southwardly from a little 
west of Chancellorsville. Generals Warren (5th corps) 
and Sedgwick (6th corps) moved their whole line con- 
nectedly forward — a measure which made room for the 
9th corps, under Burnside, to come in presently on their 
rear. Grant and Meade (the latter now acting the role 
of Jidus Achates to the general who had mounted over, 
not superseded, him) were superintending these move- 
ments, when reports came making certain what they anti- 
cipated — that Lee's army was advancing upon them. An 
immediate halt was called of Sedgwick's and Warren's 
corps, and orders were sent to Hancock, who was pushing 
precipitately forward, to swing round and connect his 
right flank with the centre — Warren. The latter, with 



140 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



Sedgwick, had easily formed order of battle, and at about 
eleven o'clock, as no signs of the enemy were yet ap- 
parent through the thickness of the Wilderness, General 
Grant ordered forward one of Warren's divisions (Grif- 
fin's) to reconnoitre. After advancing about three-quar- 
ters of a mile, this detachment came suddenly upon the 
enemy in unexpected force. It was at once assailed by 
a terrible musketry fire ; and extricating itself as well as 
possible from the action w^hich was forced upon it, fell 
back on the main body, after losing at least 500 in killed 
and wounded. 

The Confederates had secured the southern body of the 
Wilderness woods, and soon showed themselves arranging 
on its northern outskirts. Meanwhile to the east they 
were hastening out, with the object of cutting off 
Hancock, who was endeavouring to join his right to 
Warren's left. Lee had perceived the slight break in the 
connection of the Federal forces, and at once directed A. 
P. Hill's corps at it. But Hancock's command w^as a 
host in itself, and a slight separation in the contest was 
the only result of such divergence. 

The battle between the main bodies now began. To 
divert attention from Hancock, the centre and right of 
the Federal army moved forward ; but they encountered 
a terrible fire from the enemy's infantry ensconced in the 
woods. It quickly became apparent that musketry 
slaughter was to be the order of the day. Artillery 
could not play to advantage in the thickets of the 
Wilderness, and on this and the foliomng days of 
fio^htino; the main of the terrible execution was done 
with small arms, or by hand-to-hand contests. The Con- 
federates had the advantage of their attackers in a more 
intimate knowledge of the locality, which in such woods 
was all-important. l^ot that all the Southern troops 



Ch. IV. 



EATTLE OP THE Y/ILDEENESS. 



141 



were Virginians — nor, of the Virginians, were all ac- 
quainted from of old with what was becoming the ^ cock- 
pit' of their State — but thej had all acquired some 
knowledge of it in the Chancellors ville battle with 
Hooker a year before ; whilst the Army of the Potomac, 
from its short sojourn then, and the slight distance it 
attained from the river-bank of the Rapidan, had not 
acquired from that experience much knowledge of the 
ground. The Federal officers, of course, had studied the 
topography of their battle-field, but in the tanglements of 
such a field as was the Wilderness misapprehensions 
might well occur. 

Taking advantage of this. General Ewell, the com- 
mander of the Confederate left flank, assailed Warren 
and Sedgwick, threw their front divisions out of order, 
and captured 1,000 prisoners and two pieces of artillery. 
These were taken from Warren's corps. Afterwards, 
though the shades of night were beginning to overcast 
the horrible scene, Ewell turned with still greater vigour 
on Sedgwick. Preceded by some play of artillery, the 
attack and defence were soon resolved into a musketry 
contest. The close quarters which arose — for Sedgwick 
would not recede — terribly deepened the effect of both 
antagonists' steady volleys, which, as witnesses aver, might 
have been mistaken for the echoing of a thunderstorm. 
It was this attack which most augmented the general 
total of this day's slaughter. On Grant's left, after 
desperate fighting, the combat between Hancock and Hill 
closed; but the fight with Ewell was maintained till nine 
o'clock, two hours after the combatants were able to dis- 
tinguish each other. Two gallant generals fell this day 
— Hayes, Federal, and Jones, Confederate. 

While the battle was raging in the afternoon, Grant's 
rear-guard (Burnside's corps) was coming across the Rapi- 



142 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



dan at Germania Ford. As its leading divisions crossed, 
a cloud of dust on their rio-ht was distinojuishable. It 
was Longstreet's corps, hastening like themselves to take 
position for doing its share in the fighting of the next 
day. All men felt that this day's work was but a taste of 
fiorhting. 

During the night the two armies lay so close to each 
other as to be within hearino\ On Grant's rio^ht the 
troops of the 6th corps and the Confederate troops of 
Ewell, opposed to them, were very near, and men of both 
bodies, going to a little stream to fill then- canteens, were 
several times captured by small parties of the other side 
come for a like purpose. In this manner Colonel Bald- 
mn, of the 1st Massachusetts, while slaking his thirst, 
was. made a prisoner.* 

Second Day, Friday, May 6. — A light haze overhung 
the Wilderness when day broke on Friday morning. 
Several good hours' rest had refreshed both armies. 
Spirit, not lassitude, had been infused into them by the 
one first day of campaigning. The troops seemed quite 
fresh and eager for tlie fight, and as soon as the ascend- 
ancy of the sun dissipated the mist and made everything 
clear, firing began between the pickets. Grant thought 
of attacking this day, and his right, left, and centre, were 
deployed on the offensive. But Lee, who had now Long- 
street's corps in position — on the march to him the day 
before — proposed himself to attack, determining to resort 
to his Old tactics, and precipitate the available buJk of his 
forces, with his old and famous dexterity, first on one and 
then npon another portion of the Federal lines. The 
Army of the Potomac, therefore, faithful to its traditions, 

* Grant's Report. Woodbury, Burnside and the Ninth Army Corps 
(Providence, 1867). Headley, Massac/iusetfs in the Behcllion. Southern 
Generals. Pollard, The Lost Cause (New York, 1866). 



Ch. IV. 



NEARNESS OF THE TWO CAMPS. 



US 



got ready to hold its ground, and to exhibit again that 
quiet J steady standing up against the fiercest onslaught, 
which had hitherto been the best illustration of Northern 
soldierly valour. In the forenoon the 6th corps (Grant's 
right) was attacked ; but the 5th corps stood by it, 
and divisions from Burnside's corps in the rear were 
ordered up to Sedgwick's aid. Meanwhile Longstreet's 
corps had marched by inner roads to the Confederate 
right, where Lee was in person. Here the Federal 2nd 
corps, under Hancock, was already battling with Hill's 
corps, and had forced it back by the ardour of its attack. 
This state of things was quickly reversed, and later in the 
afternoon Hill's and Longstreet's corps together, in serried 
lines, charged furiously upon the ranks of the young 
Pennsylvanian general. The Federals quailed before the 
fierce rush ; their front divisions were broken ; they could 
not even keep steady behind the rough timber entrench- 
ments which had been constructed the previous night. 
These Hancock abandoned, but he succeeded in rallying 
and reforming his divisions, after judiciously allowing 
them to fall back a considerable distance. The turn in 
Hancock's fortunes took place about the middle of the 
day. The attack which drove him back occupied about 
three-quarters of an hour, from four o'clock p.m. General 
Longstreet was put personally hors de combat ere this 
fighting well began. He had had a brief conference with 
General Lee, and just after eleven o'clock was about to 
lead a charge. He was somewhat a stranger in camp, 
having but recently arrived from his campaign in East 
Tennessee (Knoxville). As he galloped forward. General 
Jenkins, an old comrade, rode up to shake hands with 
him. Hardly had words of congratulation passed their 
lips when a volley was poured into them, at short range, 
from one of their own brigades, which mistook them and 



144 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICKMOND. Ch. IV. 



their staff-officers for a party of flying Federals. J enkins 
fell instantly from his horse a lifeless corpse, while Long- 
street received a ball Avhich entered his throat, and passed 
out through his right shoulder, leaving him seriously dis- 
abled for months."^ 

Hill did not advance again upon Hancock after the 
attack described. Hancock was now reinforced by one or 
two divisions of Burnside's, which General Grant, when 
advised of his difficulties, hurried to him. 

Not contented by this vigorous and, -per se, successful at- 
tack on the Federal left. Gen. Lee, as the evening was clos- 
ing in, concentrated his troops again on his left, to thrust 
them, as a grand final effort, on Grant's right — an exact re- 
petition of the closing operation of the previous day. This 
was what Stonewall Jackson was eno^as^ed in when he met 
his hero's death a year before, and the great chief had 
done the first portion of the task when stricken down. 
Lee and Lee's troops now took it in hand with a spirit 
worthy of those old days, and the glorious reminiscence of 
that old leader ; but the antagonist was somewhat changed, 
although they were not. Nobly, however, did the Con- 
federate left advance upon the Federal right — as bravely 
as the right had fallen upon Hancock. The Federal 
General Sedgwick bore the brunt of the engagement ; he 
firmly resisted at first, but was gradually pushed back. 
It was feared that he might even be detached after all, 
and Warren, though hard pressed himself, moved some 
brigades to his aid. Charges were made, and counter- 
charges — not affairs of the bayonet, but steady advances 
of line through the brushwood, with rapid firing. The use 
of cannon w^as, as had been discovered the day before, 
almost impracticable, but musketry fire can do terrible 
execution, and the thickets of the Wilderness presented 

* Pollard, Lost Cause, p. 515. Southern Generals, p. 126. 



Ch. IV. 



DEATH OF WADSWOETH. 



145 



great advantages to good marksmen. At length one of 
the Confederate onslaughts took serious effect. Sedg- 
wick's extreme left was thrown into confusion. A 
division was broken, and two generals of brigade — 
Seymour and Shaler — were made prisoners by the 
victorious Confederates. These pushed their advan- 
tage, and Sedgwick's corps fell back further and further, 
for its right was nearly turned. Meanwhile several 
brio^ades of Warren's were strikinsr in at its left to 
effect a diversion in this emergency. General Wads- 
worth, at the head of the 4th division, led the attack, 
and the Confederates opposed to him fell back. But 
they rested on an advantageous slope, and poured in a 
terrible fire as he followed them up. Some swampy 
ground intervened, which the division had to traverse. 
As the men hurried across it their gallant leader fell, shot 
through the temple by one of the enemy's sharpshooters. 
Many of these had clambered up trees, from vv^hich they 
sino;led out as their mark the officers of the advancino; 
ranks. Another ball from such a one disabled Colonel 
Legendre, of the 51st New York ; and with its two leading 
officers thus shot down, the division was at once forced 
back, and so hurriedly as to be obliged to leave the body 
of Wadsworth, mourned as he was, being the fellow- 
statesman (Xew York) of the troops of his command, in 
the hands of the enemy. It was recovered afterwards, 
however, and transmitted home, as had become to a great 
degree the custom of treating the dead when practicable. 
The Army of the Potomac, in its whole career, sustained 
no greater loss than that of Wadsworth. A man in the 
prime of life, rich, possessing vast estates — one of the few 
instances of American gentlemen bearing great resem- 
blance in position to English squires or lords — he had 
volunteered for service early in the war from the purest 

L 



146 GRANT'S CA]\rPAIGN AGAIXST EICIDklOXD. Ch. IV. 



motives of patriotism. He was a firm advocate of 
emaucipation.* 

Well as Lee had pressed his attack, the lateness of the 
hour prevented the Confederates from giving it its full 
development — in which, too, they began to find that there 
would be considerable danger to themselves. For Lee, 
w^ith his far inferior force, to attempt to turn Grant's 
right, was a strangely bold measure ; and though begun 
it was not followed up, for it would have been too hazard- 
ous. [N^ight closed in and separated the combatants, who 
might well be weary of slaying. The battle this day had 
raofed for fourteen hours — from eio-lit in the morninor 
when manoeuvring began, till ten at night, the two armies 
had been on the rack. They murmured round the 

* Mucli of interest might be written on this good and brave man. He 
was born at Geneseo, New York, in 1807. His father and nncle had 
emigrated thither from Connecticut. Already well to do, they 'cleared' 
the land about their new settling place, and became extensive and wealthy 
landowners. Wadsworth's father had a taste for letters and cultivated 
society. His son therefore received an education at once rough and re- 
fined, a combination which is undoubtedly the best possible education for 
those born with a fairly strong physical constitution. Wadsworth's father 
died in 1844. In 1854 Wadsworth visited Europe. On his return he bought 
a ' town house' in New York, but still spent the greater part of his time in 
the country, like an English landowner. He had around Geneseo of course 
a large tenantry. He was a liberal and energetic country gentleman. He 
caused the Geneseo Waterworks to be constructed, and was about to erect 
an edifice for the literary institution, which his father founded there, when 
the war broke out. It was provided for in his will. His country house is 
described to us as large but not pretentious, embosomed in trees, and com- 
manding on its western side a prospect of the beautiful valley of the 
Geneseo — a prospect which, with its glimpses of the sparkling river, its cul- 
tivated fields, shut in by rich masses of foliage, and its scattered groups of 
oaks and elms, awoke in an eminent American artist memories of his enjoyed 
view of the valley of the Thames from Richmond Hill, England. The 
' home farm ' around Mr. Wadsworth's mansion comprised 2,000 acres. 
The Wadsworth estates altogether formed a domain of 15,000 acres, 
stretching through Livingston and Wyoming counties. — Harvard Memorial 
BiograiMes (Cambridge, Mass., 1867). 



Ch. IV. 



BATTLE OF THE WILDEENESS. 



147 



Federal camp fires tiiat it was the most terrible battle of 
the war. Wadsworth was dead ; Hays, of Pennsylvania, 
"svas dead (killed the day before) ; and many were the 
officers fallen who, thongh of inferior rank, had been the 
beloved of their regiments, and the reliance of their com- 
panies. Bnt more than this, the Federal officers who 
knew the estimates confided to their compeers the dread- 
ful fact that the losses altogether of the Army of the 
Potomac — the result of two days' indecisive fighting 
— amounted to 12,000. Subsequently, after the war, it 
was found that the real total of the Federal loss for these 
two days was over 15,000. The Confederate loss is given 
by Mr. Pollard, from the surgeons' reports, as 1,000 
killed and 6,000 wounded. 

These losses were appalling, and seemed so doubtless 
to many of the Federal officers as they rested from the 
fight that night ; yet as great were to follow. As to the 
^ rest,' too, of officers and privates, it was for the bulk of 
the army a somewhat troubled one. The surgeons, of 
course, had their hands full. There was plenty of work 
for them now, and for the members of the Sanitary Com- 
mission, whose noble services again shone forth. To add 
to the sufferings of the wounded, some portions of the 
woods had caught fire, from the explosion of shells, or 
the spread of abandoned cooking fires. The Sanitary 
A'olunteers and soldiers detailed to pick up the wounded 
turned their attention first of all to these fires, to save 
from the horrible possible death those who might be lying 
too badly disabled to escape from it. Many badly hurt 
were met limping painfully along from the neighbourhood 
of the flames, by the aid of sticks or their muskets, and 
the energy given by terror. Happily the conflagrations 
gained no considerable extent, being limited to stray 
clumps of trees. It was supposed, however, that a few 



148 GEANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AQAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



poor fellows perished in this horrible manner. But it 
was not chiefly this which made the stir in Grant's camp 
during the night — a change in the disposition of the army 
had to be performed. The corps of Sedgwick had been 
so hard worked that the chief commander deemed it ex- 
pedient to withdraw it, and place it in more favourable 
position on his other flank. This being done, Warren 
(5tli corps) stood on the right of the line, and Hancock 
(2nd) became the centre. Burnside's corps (9th) was 
moved up near to Sedgwick.* 

There is no remarkable circumstance to be related of 
Grant during these two opening battles in the Wilderness. 
In the description of battles the names of subordinates 
must of necessity prevail. In the performance of the 
chief's plans the executants may, by dash, daring or acci- 
dent, make matter of interest and fame, and must in any 
case have mention. The details of their movements ex- 
plain the battle, without much reference to the general's 
supreme supervision. In the great battles of the American 
war this prominence of subordinates was carried to a high 
deo^ree. The unwieldiness of the armies caused srreat 
field importance to attach to the commanders of corps. 
The head-quarters of the Lieutenant-General during May 
5 and 6 were with the centre. Most of the time he was 
with Meade, on a knoll covered with pines, a little way 
to the rear of Warren's corps. Occasionally he would 
mount his horse and gallop off to the point where he saw 
urgent need of his presence ; things adjusted there, he 
would return with equal speed to his post of supervision. 
As to his personal bearing, the reader may be amused, if 

New York Herald, Times, Tribune, and Viorld. Ilar]}eT''s WeeJdy; 
(tlie illustrations and the maps in this periodical are a great aid to the 
student of the history of the American Civil War, as are also those in our 
own Illustrated London News). 



Ch, IV. 



GEANT DUEINa THE BATTLE. 



149 



not edified, by the observations of one of the newspaper 
correspondents with the Army of the Potomac. ^ I was 
near Greneral Grant during that terrible Friday in the 
Yrilderness/ says the reporter of the ' Xew York Times.' 
^ To all outward appearance he was cool, calm, and unoc- 
cupied. The skin is so drawn over his forehead that 
wrinkles there don't show when he is perplexed, and his 
beard so hides his mouth that no nervousness betrays there 
his thoughts. So he sat and whittled, cutting away at his 
stick with leisurely, measured, meditative strokes, much 
of the thne, but turning his knife and cutting at the end 
nearest himself whenever word came of any important 
ohansre in the chances of the battle. Thus he fouo-ht the 
great contest with knife and stick ; and,' adds the writer, 
giving the reins to his fancy, ^ when the stick was gone 
the enemy was beaten.' * 

On these two days of May 5 and 6, while the great 
struggle opened on the Rapidan, far to the south a 
powerful Federal force, under General Butler, was being 
transported up the river J ames to menace Richmond from 
the south side. It landed safely, but was promptly 
stopped by a force under Beauregard. 

Third Day, Saturday, May 7. — Notwithstanding the 
heavy losses — the vibrating shocks — which he had sus- 
tained, the chief of the Federal army was not dissatisfied 
Vvith the state of affairs. He had stood his ground for two 
days. A shrewd suspicion now crossed his mind that he 
could advance. It was with this intention, as well as to 
give relief, that he had marched Sedgmck's corps round 
to his left flank. By projecting it farther forward he 
could menace the enemy's rear and open a way south. 

This movement was now in his power. As the morning 

^' See also, for Grant's imperturbable deportment during the battlo 
Co^n, Foi'/r Years of Fighting. 



150 GEANT'S CAlMPAiaN AGAINST BICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



wore on, the non-resumption of hostilities showed that 
the enemy's policy was changed. Lee was falling back ; 
by the afternoon the fact was positive. Efficient lines of 
skirmishers were ready to oppose Grant's, when these 
were pushed forward to reconnoitre, but the main body 
was retiring. Several encounters took place between 
small bodies on the lines, sufficient to make this unde- 
niably a day of fighting. But whilst skirmishers and 
cavalry fought, the Army of the Potomac got ready to 
advance. Those who could got a brief rest out of the 
afternoon ; at dark they were on the march south. Some- 
thing had been achieved, then ; so the poor wearied Fed- 
erals consoled themselves. The sanguine fancied that the 
Rebels were now in full retreat on Kichmond. How 
often before had a Northern army indulged in a delusive 
dream to that effect ! And the fancy was true this time 
— only a long, long vista of marching, bloodshed, and 
monotonous siege, lay unknown between the longing 
Federals and their goal. And not a majority of the 
soldiers Avere they, who, leaving the battle-field of the 
Wilderness that night, were to pass unhurt through Grant's 
campaign, to see its victorious termination, and enter 
Kichmond. Five days more only were to reveal more 
battles, of such appalling slaughter as would damp the 
ardour of most of them, and of many terminate the lives. 

Fourth Day, Sunday, May 8. — The sun was shining 
hotly ; it was well for the Army of the Potomac that it 
had made a night march. As it was, about twelve miles 
south had been made. The foremost corps (Warren's) 
moving directly on the line of retreat of the enemy, 
arrived, at eight o'clock, at a point about three miles 
distant from Spottsylvania Court-house. Here, as the 
leading columns emerged from the woods near Todd's 
Tavern, the southernmost verge of the AYilderness, they 



Ch. IV. 



SPOTTSYLA'ANIA. 



Icl 



cliscoyerecl a lively cavalry combat going on about a mile 
forward. General Grreo-o-'s division of Sheridan's Horse 
was engaging some of the enemy's, with which it had kept 
up a running fight every day since the 5th. 

This sight quickened the footsteps of all in the ad- 
vancing corps, notwithstanding that their friends in action 
seemed in good cue, and not in any emergency for assist- 
ance. They advanced with fervour, as soldiers will when 
a fio;ht is runnino' its course before their eves. But 
instead of settlino; the combat of horse, work of the most 
arduous kind for themselves was suddenly revealed to 
AYarren and his corps. 

As the van — four regiments of Griffin's division — 
hurried on along the road to Spottsylvania, they were 
saluted by a sudden and furious storm of shells. For a 
moment it was thouo-ht that it mio^it be onlv some few 
pieces attached to the enemy's cavalry that hurled the 
deadly missiles ; but the cavalry soon retiring, it became 
apparent that a force of infantry was in its rear. As 
General AVarren, with his staff, rode to the front, his 
horse was disabled by a shell ; others wounded his adju- 
tant-o'eneral and other officers. The o-eneral now cau- 
tiously led on the whole of his corps, for it was understood 
that it was a like organisation (supposed Longstreet's) 
that he would have to contend with. Speedily it was 
rumoured that not one, but two, Kebel corps were there ; 
in fact it was evident that Lee was going to 'make a 
stand ' again at Spottsylvania. And a bloody one it was 
to be. 

The same monitors — the shells— which indicated the 
enemy near and a battle at hand, betokened that the cir- 
cumstances of combat would be somewhat new. The 
nature of the battling ground was changed ; the country 
was more open, and admitted of the play of artillery. 



152 GEANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. IV. 



The Federals of Warren's corps had arrived at a cul- 
tivated field belonging to the farm of a Mr. J. M. Alsop. 
The rest of the country was plantation^ gently undulating 
in a succession of parallel ridges, dotted here and there 
with groves of pine and cedar. A more lofty ridge 
bounded the landscape, and concealed Spottsylvania from 
view, distant but three or four miles. On this range and 
its bases woods prevailed again. To the south of the 
little town beyond, into which the main body of Lee's 
forces was now pouring, drawn back on inner roads from 
the Wilderness, was the Kiver Po,* a little stream which 
rounded there, after a bend it made from the north, and 
was crossed by a bridge. The town of Spottsylvania 
was distant from Richmond about forty-six miles N.N.W., 
and, in coming to it. General Grant had so far pursued a 
nearly straight line, from his camp about Culpepper 
towards the capital of Virginia. 

The combat, the locality of which I have endeavoured 
to describe, Vv^as now opening. The artillery attached to 
the 5 th corps hurried forward to the front and replied to 
Confederate pieces which were playing from the ridge. 
After a little of this practice, the infantry advanced, line 
having been formed, with Griffin's division on the right 
and Robinson's on the left, and attempted the Confederate 
position. The movement was imprudent on the part of 
Warren, for though he did not suspect the strength 
which the enemy was in, yet he knew that the rest of the 
Army of the Potomac was too far behind to give his 

* This name is not, as might be supposed, derived from the European river 
so called, hut descends from the long extinct aborigines of Virginia, and 
affords a curious illustration of Indian ingenuity in nomenclature. Two 
other streams to the south are called the Mat and the Ta ; the Po is next 
north of these ; above it is one called the Ny. These four streams all com- 
bining, the river thence proceeding, augmented afterwards by others, bears 
the name of Mattapony, the imited titles of its four head springs. 



Ch. IV. 



SPOTTSYLVANIA. 



15S 



corps prompt support in case of emergency. At firsts 
however, tlie Federals liad their own way ; the enemy^ 
as they advanced, gave up to them three successive 
ridges, after a brief fight on each. -Several officers fell; 
seeing which, the ire of the men was raised, and they 
charged most spiritedly, as if freed from the depressing 
influences of the Wilderness. The 32nd Massachusetts 
regiment, commanded by Colonel Prescott, wrested its 
flag from the 6 th Alabama, in the struggle for one of the 
ridges. 

This advance had auspiciously filled up two or three 
hours, but about noon the roughly entrenched line behind 
which the enemy's main body lay put a stop to further 
progress. The Confederates, withdrawn from the ridge, 
were ensconced again in the woods, and had throv/n up 
rough earth and timber fortifications, according to the 
long established practice of both North and South. 
Warren's corps, after one attempt to carry it by a rush, 
recoiled from the line of works. Warren now regretted 
his precipitate movement, and would fain have fallen back 
had it been compatible with honour or expediency. But 
it would not do to be driven back. He briefly urged this 
on the officers. All his columns were hurried up, includ- 
ing Wadsworth's shattered division, now commanded by 
General Cutler. The result was success, though at a 
heavy cost. The troops manfully kept their ground 
during a succession of fights — now attacking, now at- 
tacked — through the afternoon ; till, just before nightfall 
and the closing combat (of the day), some reinforcements 
from the 6th corps, now near on their rear, came up. A 
little before, at half-past five p.m.. Generals Grant and 
Meade rode on to the scene of action. Hearty cheers 
greeted them ; and, stimulated by their presence, and 
shortly after by the material aid of reinforcements, the 



154 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



corps got bravely through the engagement and retained 
the position. 

It may not be amiss here, while the army has a brief 
rest, to take a glance at the two capitals, real and official, 
of the North, and see how the excited populace received 
the news of the four days' fighting we have just got 
throuf^h. It was now a matter of ten months since a 
great battle — one in which the issues of the war seemed 
to tremble in the balance — had been fought. From Get- 
tysburg to the AVilderness and Spottsylvania was the 
longest interval of inacti^dty which occurred in Yirginia 
and the neio-hbourino; Northern frontier throuoliout the 
war. The species of novelty thus acquired, and the 
universal conviction that the struggle of Grant and Lee 
would be vital and decisive, roused in all classes the 
strongest interest in the opening of the campaign. The 
heads of departments at Washington sat up all night to 
receive themselves the messages from the battle-field. 

Secretary Stanton, summing up the war news which he 
dispensed to the thirsting journal editors and the readers, 
whose name was legion, concluded the details of the first 
two days' fighting with the following, which was printed 
in the biggest of capitals : — ' The belief here is that 
Lieutenant-General Grant is achieying a com- 
plete VICTORY.' On the night of the 6th General 
Meade had sent a brief telegram to his wife at Phila- 
delphia : — ^ We are all getting on very well I' This, too, 
was printed in the ^ IN'ew York Herald,' with the heading 
' Official.' These comfortable announcements sufficed to 
put New York in a state of exultation, which effectually 
triumphed over the misgivings which a few passages of 
the reports might cause. Scores of flags were unfurled 
up and down Broadway and the other leading thorough- 
fares of the American metropolis; excited crowds — re- 



Ch. IV. 



PEESIDENT LINCOLN". 



155 



spectable citizens and rowdy loafers — mingled together, 
thronged its great artery, congregated round the offices of 
the Herald/ * Tribune,' and other principal newspapers, 
and discussed the state of affairs. All were jubilant. 

Among many of the laudatory criticisms of Grant, by 
which the patriots of the crowd gave vent to their satis- 
faction with things in general, we may single out, as pro- 
bably amongst the greatest praise an American can think 
of, his being compared to Washington. Some ^ guessed ' 
he was oTeater than ^Yashins^ton even, ^for Washino^ton 
made the country, but Grant is making it all over again, 
and putting in all the new improvements ! ' * 

Meanwhile, at Washington, Stanton's superior. Grant's 
superior, the occupant of Washington's chair — the man 
whom history will, we think, adjudge to have been a 
greater ornament to his country even than the last-named 
hero — Abraham Lincoln — had to issue his official notice 
of progress made. When, in the various crises of the 
contest, the President expressed his opinions, they were 
always sober thoughts ; there was none of that boasting 
in him which characterised too many of his generals and 
statesmen even. His proclamations were always soberly 
worded and drawn up. When there was the semblance of 
victory, he was naturally anxious to claim it, as a satisfac- 
tion to the people, whose steward he was ; Avhen there 
was defeat indisputable, his firm and unshrinking wording 
of his orders and appeals recalled life to the nation and 
freshness to the pallid cheeks of the timorous. On the 
present occasion he spoke as follows : — 

' To the Friends of Union and Liberty, — Enough is 
known of army operations within the last five days to 
claim our especial gratitude to God. While what re- 

* New York Herald, May 10, 1864. Sala, America in the midst of War, 
letter from New York May 10. 



156 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



mains undone demands our most sincere prayers to, and 
reliance upon Him, without whom all human effort is 
vain, I recommend that all patriots — at their homes, at 
their places of ^vorship, and wherever they may be — unite 
in common thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God. 

' Abraham Lincoln. 

' Executive Mansion, Washington, May 9, 186-i.' 

In response to the issue of this proclamation, and to 
2:ive vent to their excited feelino;s of enthusiasm at the 
battle going on, a concourse of people assembled in pro- 
cession the same evening, and marched to the White 
House to applaud and serenade the President. He made 
a short speech, in the same strain as his address. ' Grant,' 
he said, ^ was moving on upon the line he had marked 
out. It was a great victory for the army to be where it 
was, yet there was a great deal of work yet to do before 
the rebellion could be suppressed and the Union restored.' 
He had every confidence in General Grant, who, by his 
obstinacy in holding his ground, had done more, ' he 
thought,' than any previous commander of the Army of 
the Potomac. 

To return to the army in the field. When the struggle 
which the 5th corps waged came to an end, on the night 
of Sunday, the remaining corps came up and took position 
in the line secured. The chief commander was content 
to allot rest as the portion of the follomng day, and the 
tents were pitched and entrenchments thrown up in lines 
about three miles north of Spottsylvania. Warren's 
corps settled down in the position it had earned; Han- 
cock's was posted to its right, forming that extremity of 
the line, and the other two corps camped on its left. 

Fiftli Day, Monday, May 9. — When morning dawned of 
the 9th, the Federals busied themselves in completing 



Ch. IV. 



DEATH OF SEDGWICK. 



157 



their fortifications and arranging their artillery, with the 
intent of a quiet day. Neither party was anxious to re- 
commence action, yet ere many hours had worn away the 
morning was signalised by the death of a leading officer. 
Greneral Sedgwick, of the 6th corps, was superintending 
the mounting of some heavy guns in an angle which his 
men had just prepared. No skirmishing was going on at 
the time, but shots were coming, now and again, from a 
band of the enemy's sharpshooters posted in a thicket 
near at hand. Greneral Sedgwick was smiling at the 
nervousness of some of the men, who dodged as they 
heard the whistling of the bullets; and, catching sight of 
one of their salutants, said, to reassure them, ' The fellow 
at that distance can't hit an elephant.' He had but just 
said so, when a ball from that very marksman struck 
him in the forehead. The blood oozed from his nostrils, 
and he fell back dead, into the arms of his assistant- 
adjutant-general. The body was forwarded to Washing- 
ton alono- with that of Wadsworth. He was succeeded 

o 

in command of the 6th corps by General Wright.* 

The remaining operations of this day were unimportant, 
consisting of a repulse of the enemy's right flank by 
Burnside, and a reconnaissance round the left by Han- 
cock. He crossed the Po Siver at a point north-west of 
the lines, and planted a brigade or two upon the Block- 
house Road, leading from Parker's Store to Spottsylvania 
Court-house. 

Sixth Day, Tuesday, May 10. — Inertion is ruinous to 
the spirits of an attacking army, and General Grant was 
not disposed to allow too much of it to the Army of the 
Potomac. Grown wiser by hard experience, hovfever, 
he did not this day repeat his attempts to crush the 

* Swinton, Campaig7is of the Army of the Potomac. Coffm, Fowr Years 
of Fighting. New York Ne-svspapers. 



158 



gra:n'T's ca]\ipaign agaixst RicraoxD. 



Ch. IV. 



enemy by a fight all along the line, but resolved on trying 
to edge round him ; in other words, he inaugurated the 
celebrated ' flank movements ' which distino-uished the 
latter series of the Spottsylvania battiings, and at last 
were crowned with success. The reader will understand 
that these attempts were, in simple phrase, endeavours 
by Grant to pass Lee ; and that the Federal commander 
at last succeeded in doing so was owing to the superiority 
of his numbers. This day's operations may be regarded 
as preparatory — preparations fearfully costly, alas I — and 
made to ascertain whether, and in what way, Lee would 
still oppose. 

The front line of the Confederates still possessed the 
cover of the woods, from which Warren and Burnside now 
attempted to drive them. WaiTcn's corps moved gra- 
dually forward through the woods, pressing the Con- 
federates back towards the open space beyond, behind 
which were their breastworks. The woods were cleared, 
but so slowly — the troops suffering from the shells which 
the enemy managed to pour in — that it was three or four 
o'clock P.M. by the time they gained the southern edge. 
They had now to attack the breastworks, but the delay 
in reaching that position had operated unfavourably on 
the men's spirits. After pushing through the woods for 
four or five hours, the corps was (and no disgrace to it) 
unable to oust troops sustained by fortifications. Yet 
the enemy was gallantly attacked. One brigade (Car- 
roll's) lost 800 men in the attempt, so determinedly 
did it struggle. Non-success being reported to head- 
quarters, the Lieutenant- General was about to order the 
other corps to join in and repeat a general melee, when 
it was discovered that the right flank was in particular 
danger. The division (Barlow's) which was to the south- 
west of the Po was endeavouring^ to recross, and it was 



Ch. IV. 



SPOTTSYLVAXIA. 



159 



seen that the nimble and adroit Confederate chief had 
thrown a body of troops right aronnd it^ which was cnt- 
tiug in on its rear. Supports were immediately advanced, 
under General Meade's directions, and the division was 
saved. The Lieutenant-General now again ordered a 
general attack along the line. It was fixed for five 
o'clock, but that hour was already close at hand, and, 
owing to the tardiness of some of the commanders, it did 
not begin till past six. The interval Grant filled up by 
a furious cannonade on the enemv. At leno-th the 6th 
corps, which was comparatively fresh, advanced ; the 
others following it on other parts of the line. Leaving 
the shelter of the woods which had been gained, the 6th 
corps rushed on the breastworks. They were carried — 
the men charging with the bayonet. But the other 
Federal corps could not perform their tasks like the 6th, 
jaded as they were already. The 6th captured nigh a 
thousand prisoners, but it could not bring off the guns 
which were captured (save three) ; and, as darkness ap- 
proached, it sullenly abandoned the breastworks to fall 
back along ■\^dth the rest. 

Indecisive and uninteresting as the fight of this day 
v\-as, it had been one of great slaughter. 8,000 to 10,000 
are the heavy figures which were first reported by the 
Federal chroniclers. More than the usual proportion were 
simply wounded, hoAvever, and of these many had but 
slio'ht hurts. 

Here may appropriately be mentioned the curious desire 
for wounds which was noted at this time among the officers 
and many of the privates of the Federal army — possibly 
also among the enemy's, but unreported there. The rea- 
son, as may be easily imagined, was the desire to carry 
home mementoes and visible marks of prowess when they 
should leave the army, or peace should return. Young 



160 GEA^'T'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICH3I0XD. Ch. lY. 



officers and men of spirit in tlie ranks, or in command, 
were stimulated in this morbid desire by the press, and 
by their relatives even. The newspapers teemed mth allu- 
sions to ^ the battle-scarred veteran,' and the ' badges of 
honour' which cuts and slashes stood for; and the soldier 
of three years' service found, when perchance home on 
furlough, that his circle of friends looked askance at him 
if he had had the good luck to remain whole and sound, 
whilst one of his fellows home from the hospital would be 
run after by the whole village on account of the ' glorious' 
scar across the face, or other wound, more or less severe, 
which he received in his first engagement. Hence the 
appetite for cicatrisation which provoked many to a need- 
less exposure in battle, and uglier wound or maim than 
they had bargained for. The mania reached even the 
highest grades. 

Seventh Day. — In the morning of the 11th, General 
Grant sent off his first despatch. The last line became 
permanently famous. 

' Head-quarters in the Eield, 
'May 11, 1864, 8 a.m. 

' We have now ended the sixth day of very heavy fight- 
ing. The result to this time is much in our favour. 

^ Our losses have been heavy, as well as those of the 
enemy. I think the loss of the enemy must be greater. 

^ lYe Iiave taken over 5,000 prisoners by battle, whilst 
he has taken from us but few except stragglers. 

* I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all the 
summer. ^ U. S. Grant, 

'Lieutenant-General Commanding the Aixiies of the United States.' 

This day (11th) passed quietly with the hostile hosts 
before Spottsylvania. No fighting took place, save the 
exchanging of shots by the outposts and a little skirmish- 
ing. But General Grant was only allowing his men rest 



Ch. IV. 



SUCCESSFUL ATTACK BY HANCOCK. 



161 



this day as invigoration for a grand effort on the morrow. 
As his chief instrument for the arduous work^ he picked 
out the young corps commander, Hancock, in whom he 
discovered still growing abilities ; and in the night, accord- 
ingly, that general moved his corps (2nd) from the right 
to the left centre, where he only waited the morning 
beams to commence a battle — one of the most severe of 
the series — the finishing one ; and the one which gives the 
best generpi denomination — Spottsylvania — for the whole. 

Eighth Day, Thursday, May 12. — The assault began at 
daybreak. The men of Hancock's corps were under arms 
ere it was dawn, and at half-past four a.m. their general 
led them cautiously on towards the enemy's outer line of 
rifle-pits. Edging round a belt of wood without firing a 
shot, or giving a voice till they attained the position, they 
then gave a cheer, and rushed with impetuosity on the 
surprised defenders. Charging wdth fixed bayonets, they 
bore down those who gallantly tried to form and oppose 
them, surrounded the many who v^ere unprepared, dis- 
armed them, and ran them off prisoners to the number of 
over 3,000. A whole division and more was thus carried 
off or cut down. Commanders vv^ent wdth their men. 
Hancock wrote a pencil memorandum, and sent it off to 
Grant : ' I have captured thirty to forty guns. I have 
finished up Johnson, and am going in to Early.' General 
Edward Johnson had indeed been captured, and General 
G. T. Stuart. They were taken almost in the act of 
eating their breakfast, and were hurried off from the 
remnants in their tent to finish the meal, if they cared 
and had the chance, in the Federal camp. The soldiers 
took them before Hancock to present them to him. The 
young Federal general offered his hand amicably to 
Johnson, who was so affected as to shed tears, but mur- 
mured that he would have preferred death to captivity. 

M 



162 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



Hancock then extended his hand to Stuart ; but that 
captive general, with great haughtiness, said, 'I am 
General Stuart, of the Confederate army, and under the 
present circumstances I decline to take your hand.' The 
successful Federal general, after a moment's pause, par- 
ried this offensive remark with the neat reply, ' Under 
any other circumstances. General, I should not have of- 
fered it.' * 

For the first time to any purpose, the Confederates 
found themselves the victims of a surprise. Besides the 
prisoners, the 2nd corps had taken tliirty or forty guns, 
as just stated. Hancock had achieved one of the boldest 
dashes, of the kind, of the war. Flushed with success, he 
was ardent to continue the attack ; too much so, perhaps ; 
as, had it been at this time diligently set about, all the 
guns might have been put into safe positions for reten- 
tion. But the army of Virginia was now itself again 
to oppose him. Lee was rapidly strengthening his as- 
saulted ricrht, and arranoino- his whole armv to meet the 
crisis. Just after Hancock had ^finished up Johnson,' 
it seemed for a little while that he would make way 
further. Other Confederate troops had recoiled before 
him. Then General Lee suddenly rode forward to the 
front of the lines, bowed to his men, and took position by 
the colours of the 59th Virginia, as if to lead a charge. 
But immediately General Gordon, the division commander 
whose duty that was, dashed forward, and seizing the 
bridle-rein in the hand of his commanding general, ex- 
claimed with passionate anxiety, ' General Lee, this is 
no place for you ; go to the rear. These are Virginians 
and Georgians, Sir — men Avho have never failed : ' then 
looking round, ^ Men, you mil not fail now.' Loud cries 



* Coppee, Grant and his Ca7nimg7is. 



Ch. IV. 



LEE AND HIS TROOPS. 



163 



arose of ^ No, no ; General Lee to the rear, General Lee 
to the rear.' The comraandinor o-eneral acceded to the 
earnest wishes of his men. They did what their shouts 
had promised, and Hancock was stayed."^ But the battle 
was not stayed. By seven o'clock A.M. the whole of both 
armies were in conflict, and the surprise attack had de- 
veloped into one of the grandest and most desperate of 
battles. Hancock, burning for further success, was 
struggling for the second line of rifle-pits. The corps of 
Burnside was hanging on his left ; the centre and right 
(Wright and Warren) Avere hard at work on the left 
portion of the enemy's entrenchments. The constant, 
lazy drone of the smaller guns, enlivened by the yell of 
rifled cannon, the deep boom of twenty -pounder ' Bar- 
retts,' and the crash of shell, grape, and solid shot through 
the forest, made up a sickening din. Hour by hour the 
'combat grew in intensity. Tiie Confederate general of 
the right fell fiercely on the 2nd corps, which, till then, 
pressing enthusiastically forward, was now well content 
to hold its orround. The Federal General Wright ar- 
duously attacked the enemy's centre under Hill, and he 
Avithstood the pressure as stubbornly as Hancock worked 
against his assailant. The ' blood was up ' of the South- 
erners. ' They fight like devils,' said a distinguished Fe- 
deral officer, writing off to his friends, by a despatch escort 
which left the field at mid-day, the news of Hancock's 
* ten strike ' (as he termed it), and how things were there 
tiding, t Charges and counter charges were made in 
rapxl succession, the ranks falling back decimated from 

* I am indcibted for this incident, as for one or two others, to Mr. 
PoUard, in whom, though 1 differ from him as to his'cause, lean admire an 
excellent historical genius. — Lee and his Lieutenants, p. 129. 

t Despatch of General Ingalls to Senator Nesmith, from Spottsylvania 
Court-house, May 12, mid-day.— i\^cw York Htrald, May 18, 186-1. 

M 2 



164 



GEANT'S CAjMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



each sliock. It was of tliis battle that the terrible mes- 
sage came off to Europe : * The carnage was awful ; the 
men fell like grain.'' Warren's corps on the right flank in 
vain emulated the attacks of the left ; made with equal 
ardour, its efforts had not the same success, whilst its 
losses Avere fearful, causing it to count itself the most 
severely used of any of the corps, which mournful pre- 
eminence up to this day had belonged to the 2nd corps. 
IVhen the Confederates in turn advanced, they suffered 
equally, and so the combat went on all the afternoon. 
Xight at last approaching, the Federal commanders drew 
back their right from the front, secured an advantageous 
position, someA^diat of ground gained for the left beyond 
their possessions of the previous day, and by degrees 
dropped the flght. Up to the last hour of light there 
Avas desultory fighting, till it ceased Avith an unsuccessful 
endeavour by some of Hancock's corps to bring off some 
more of the guns they had mastered in the morning. 
Heavy as had been the losses, this bloody day had in 
many respects been to the advantage of the Federals — 
certainly the most so of the series noAv closed. They had 
caused the enemy to lose in proportions approaching their 
OAvn (telling on him far more heavily), having made pri- 
soners 3,000 men, captured eighteen cannon, and slightly 
improved their position. It Avas on the whole Avith satis- 
faction that General Grant sat down to write off his 
despatch of the day's proceedings. In his exultation he 
expressed his opinion that he had brought the foe to a 
decisive and final stand. 

' The eighth day of battle closes, leaving between three 
and four thousand prisoners in our hands for the day's 
v/ork, including tAA^o general officers and over thirty pieces 
of artillery. The enemy are obstinate, and seem to have 
found the last ditch. We have lost no organisation, 



Ch. IV. 



CLOSE OF THE BATTLE. 



165 



whilst we have destroyed and captured one division (John- 
son's), one brigade (Dobb's), and one regiment entire of 
the enemy.' 

Grant's loss in this one severe day appears to have been 
10,381. Lee's cannot be stated accurately ; it may possi- 
bly have been, as according to Mr. Pollard, about 6,000.* 

With this terrible day's work the series of great fights 
which constitute the battle of Spottsylvania closes, and 
in relatino^ the further movements which resulted in Lee's 
moving off, we may relinquish devoting particular mention 
to each day's events. Before proceeding chronologically 
on, however, we have to narrate the actions on a separate 
field which the cavalry corps of the two armies had been 
engaged in the while. They form an essential pendant 
to the contest of the main bodies, and were illustrated by 
the death of another leader of renoVvn. By their in- 
clusion the greatest battle of the war is entitled to be also 
recorded as the one which stretched over the most ex- 
tended area, for the lengthy and devious line of these 
sharp-running fights of the horsemen reached from the 
neio'hbourhood of Washington — where the darino- mieriila 
Mosby raided on the Federal rear-posts — to the neigh- 
bourhood of Eichmond. 

For the first four days of the battle Sheridan and 
Stuart had been set to watch each other by their re- 
spective commanders-in-chief. On the 9th they began 
independent action, Sheridan assuming the offensive by 
striking off from Grant's lines in a south-easterly direction, 
so as to escape the immediate notice of Stuart. The two 
cavalry chiefs were representative men. Both were Celts. 
The Southerner, Stuart, was by descent and nature an 

Grant's Beport and Official Eeturns. Coppee, Grant and his Cam- 
'paigns. Swintun, Twelve Decisive Battles of the War. Woodhury, Bimiside 
and the Ninth Corps. Pollard, Lost Cause. Lee and his Lieutenants. 



166 GEAT^T'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



impulsive and enthusiastic Scotchman; the Northerner, 
Sheridan, was the son of an Irish emigrant. He possessed 
a quick flow of ideas and a rugged insensibility. Both 
were young — under thirty— and, like many of the officers 
whom the war brought into antagonism, had been pupils 
and fellow classmates at West Point. 

Moving off at an early hour on the morning of the 9th, 
General Sheridan glided round the Confederate right 
flank unperceived, taking the road by the border of 
Stannard's Marsh, and crossing the Po at six miles to the 
eastward of Spottsylvania. He moved his corps cautiously 
and stealthily at first, till the turning of the enemy's 
flank was safely accomplished ; then, quickening his pace 
through the open country in their rear, before dusk he 
reached Anderson's Bridge, on the North Anna Kiver, 
fifteen miles south of Spottsylvania. Already he was 
come to spoils worth the gathering. On the other side of 
the river Avas Beaver Dam, a. station of the Virginia 
Central Kailroad, where large quantities of supplies were 
stored. The bridge was unprotected, and the Federals 
crossed without stopping, and seized the place, driving 
out the feeble cavalry garrison. The place secured, 
Sheridan set his men to work to destroy all the stores, 
and during the night they accomplished the destruction 
of ^ three large trains of cars and two locomotives, 
200,000 lbs. of bacon and other stores, amounting in all 
to 1,500,000 of Rebel rations ; also the telegraph and rail- 
road track for about ten miles, embracing several culverts.' 
More than this. Federal prisoners who were there await- 
ing transportation to the Southern prisons were released, 
to the number of 378, including several officers. On the 
next morning the march was resumed, the route for the 
time coinciding with the railway which was to be torn up. 
By night the South Anna River was reached ; they 



Ch. IV: 



SHERIDAN AND STUART, 



167 



crossed it at Grand Squirrel Bridge, and camped for the 
night on its southern bank. They were in the immediate 
vicinity of Ashland Station.* 

When Stuart was certified of Sheridan being ' on the 
raid ' south, he immediately struck off himself to harass 
him or contest his progress. Moving on inner roads, and 
informed of the Federal whereabouts by a friendly popu- 
lation, he made up for their start in time, and on the 10th, 
when Sheridan reached the South Anna, Stuart passed 
it to the westward, and then circled round to cover the 
route from Ashland to Richmoud (Sheridan being now 
but twelve miles north of the Confederate capital). 

Sheridan had not assailed Ashland Station overnight ; 
he reserved it for his morning's amusement, when, being 
up betimes, he destroyed ' one locomotive and a train of 
cars, engine-house, two or three Government buildings 
containing a large amount of stores ) also six miles of 
railroad, embracing three culverts, two treble bridges, 
and the telegraph wire.' This was done by seven a.m. 
(Wednesday, May 11); he then set his corps in motion 
south again. After a few hours' march, they found them- 
selves confronted by the Confederates. Sheridan was 
prepared for — calculated on — such an encounter, but did 
not wish for it, nor desire to make it a deadly struggle, 
his intention being to pass on yet further. The two 
parties joined battle at once. The Federals used their 
carbines freely, and with much effect, before closing in a 
brief fight at close quarters. After that they drew off. 
On the Confederate side Stuart came ridino^ to the front, 
as was his wont, to head his men and lead them on in a 
headlong charge such as he delighted in. Clad in his 
usual picturesque dress — one of the similarities between 
him and Murat — a yellow silk sash round the waist of his 

* Bcfort of General Sheridan. 



168 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Ch. IV. 



grey uniform, cavalier-lop boots, and feathered hat, he 
presented too conspicuous a mark for the enemy.^ As 
he ^vas pressing after some retiring Federals, he received 
a mortal wound. 

Stuart's subordinate, who assumed commpaid when he 
fell, fought the fight out very well, and the Confederates 
claimed the affair as a victory for them. Be this as it 
might, the Federal commander w^ent on his way un- 
damaged in organisation, rejoicing and exultant. He 
wr,.s but ten miles from Richmond, and fired with the 
success of his march so far, he overleapt the first line of 
the works round the city, destroying what he could of 
the railroad track there traversed. The inner fortifications 
were too strong for him to molest ; but he had another 
fight on the 12th, routing a somewhat motley force from 
Richmond, which attacked him near the banks of the 
Chickahominy. He went on, practically closing this 
grand and useful raid with encamping on the 13th at 
Bottom's Bridge (famous two years before), on the south- 
east vero;e of Richmond. 

His unfortunate adversary the while was borne death- 
stricken from the battle-field, to close his life in that city. 
The manner of Stuart's death enhanced the glory which 
the feats of arms he performed in the last three years of 
his brief life had given him. Borne to the house in 
Richmond of Dr. Brewer, a relative, that gentleman 
was not long in perceiving that the sands of life were 
running out. Three of the doctors of the general's staff 
attended, and a circle of sorrow-stricken friends and com- 
rades. Unfortunately his last hours could not be alleviated 
by the presence of his family. His beautiful and ac- 
complished wife — who, devoted to her husband, had often 
passed days with him in the camp, in which she had been 
Von Borcke, Memoirs. Southern Generals. 



Ch. IV. 



DEATH OF STUAET. 



169 



idolised — happened^ at this juncture, to be away on his 
estate in tlie country a long distance off. She was sent 
for, but the remnant of Stuart's life proved too short to 
permit her arrival in time. 

His condition during the day (May 12) was very 
changeable, with occasional delirium, and other unmis- 
takeable symptoms of speedy dissolution. In the passing 
moments of delirium the gallant general reviewed in 
broken sentences all his glorious campaigns around 
M^Clellan's rear on the peninsula, beyond the Potomac, 
and upon the Rapidan, quoting from his orders and issu- 
ing new ones to his couriers, with a last injunction to 
^ make haste.' 

About noon, Thursday, President Davis visited his 
bedside, and spent some fifteen minutes in the dying 
chamber of his favourite chieftain. The President, taking 
his hand, said, ' General, how do you feel ? ' He replied, 
^ Easy, but willing to die if God and my country think I 
have fulfilled my destiny and done my duty.' As even- 
ing approached the general's delirium increased, and liis 
mind again wandered to the battle-fields over which he had 
fought, then to wife and children, arid again to the front. 
As time wore on the paroxysms of pain increased, 
and mortification set in rapidly. Though suffering the 
greatest agony at times, the general was calm, and 
applied to the wound, with his own hand, the ice intended 
to relieve the pain. During the evening he asked Dr. 
Brewer how long he thought he could live, and whether 
he thought it was possible for him to survive through the 
night. The doctor, knowing he did not desire to be 
buoyed by false hopes, told him frankly that death, the 
last enemy, was rapidly approaching. The general 
nodded, and said, I am resigned if it be God's will ; but 
I would like to live to see my wife. But God's will be 



170 ' GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



done.' Several times he roused up, and asked if she had 
come. 

To the doctor, who sat holding his wrist, and counting 
the fleeting, weakenmg pulse, he remarked ; ' Doctor, I 
suppose I am going fast now. It will soon be over. But 
God's will be done. I hope I have fulfilled my destiny 
to my country, and my duty to my God.' 

At half-past seven it was evident to the physicians that 
death was setting his clammy seal upon the brave open 
brow of the general, and they told him so, asking if he 
had any last message to give. The general, with a mind 
perfectly calm and possessed, then made disposition of his 
staff and personal effects. To Mrs. General R. E. Lee 
he directed that his golden spurs should be given as a dying 
memento of his love and esteem for her husband. To his 
staff officers he gave his horses. So particular was he in 
small tilings, even in the dying hour, that he emphatically 
exhibited the ruling passion strong in death. To one of 
his staff, who was a heavy built man, he said, ' You had 
better take the larger horse, he will carry you better.' 
Other mementoes he disposed of in a similar manner. 
To his young son he left his glorious sword. 

His worldly matters closed, the eternal interests of his 
soul engaged his mind. Turning to the Rev. Mr. 
Peterkin, of the Episcopal Church, of which he was an 
exemplary member, he asked him to sing the hymn 
commencing 

' Rock of Ages cleft for me, 
Let me hide myself in Thee 

he joining in with all the voice his strength would permit. 
He then joined in prayer with the minister. To the 
doctor he again said, ^ I am going fast now ; I am 
resigned ; God's will be done.' He breathed out his gal- 
lant spirit resignedly, and in the full possession of all his 



Ch. IV. 



DEATH OF STUAET. 



171 



remarkable faculties of mind and body, at twenty-two 
minutes to eight o'clock. 

Thus died the famous Virginian cavalry chief — not a 
great general, nor a perfect executive officer even, but a 
frank, gentle, and fearless man. He exhibited no im- 
proving ability ; his cavalry performed no feats during 
1863 to equal those of 1862. He was very rash, and 
somewhat too careless of the lives of his men, his own 
daring causing him to lead them sometimes into positions 
of fearful slaughter. On the whole Stuart's was a gal- 
lant life. The South might develop, after he was gone, as 
good or a better cavalry leader, but hardly a more perfect 
representative of ^ chivalry.' It was to the noble and 
dignified way in which he, Jackson, and others died, 
fighting for its cause, that the Confederacy owed much of 
the lustre it acquired in Europe. Their endings reminded 
men of the heroes of antiquity, and even the foe did not 
refuse a tribute of admiration to their manliness, while 
contemning their reasoning. The funeral took place 
on the 1 3th in Richmond, at St. James* Church : four 
generals, two officers of the army, and the Ex-Secretary of 
War (Randolph), were the pall-bearers. President Davis, 
haggard and pale — his face a daily reflex of how the war 
was going — the Ministers of the Cabinet, and both divisions 
of Congress, attended ; and the body of the brave Virginian 
J. E. B. Stuart was committed to the tomb amidst a 
general testimony of affection from the capital of his 
native State."^" 

For all the fierce fighting at Spottsylvania on the 12th, 
the two armies rested for seven days after exactly in the 
same position. That battle was a final and desperate 
effort of Grant to crush Lee, standing up before him. 
But Lee had proved, as so often before, too strong to be 

^ Bichnond Examiner, May 14, 1864. 



GPANTS CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICnMOND. Cn. IV. 



crushed, and the Federal general had to fall back upon 
liis ^ flanking movements.' These, however, were not at 
once practicable. A heavy rain had left the roads im- 
passable, and for three or four days the two armies 
remained quiescent. A marvel it is that it should have 
been only the muddy state of the roads that prevented 
another advance. After eight days' continued battling, it 
is wonderful that two armies, neither inspirited by posi- 
tive victory, could be in heart to think of renewing the 
contest, or attempting at once a dangerous and tiresome 
march. The endurance displayed by the soldiers of 
America was astonishing. 

This interval w^as turned to account by the arrival and 
incorporation of reinforcements and supplies. Jealous as 
Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, had shown himself 
to be of the generals depending on him, he had also an 
honourable jealousy of himself, of the maintenance of his 
own exertions ; and on this occasion he went to work with 
a will, to sustain the reputation he had made as War 
Minister; for like Carnot, he had long been bent on 
organising victory. Within eight days after the great 
battle of the 12th the following was the result of the 
Secretary's supervision : ^ Many thousand veteran troops 
have been forwarded to General Grant. The Vvdiole 
army has been amply supplied with full rations of subsis- 
tence. Upwards of 20,000 sick and wounded have been 
transported from the field of battle to the Washington 
hospitals, and placed under surgical care. Over 8,000 
prisoners have been transported from the field of battle 
to prison depots, and large amounts of artillerj^, and 
other implements of an active campaign, brought away. 
Several thousand fresh cavalry horses have been for- 
warded to the army, and the Grand Army of the Poto- 
mac is now fully as strong in members and better 



Ch. IV. 



SECEETAEY STANTON. 



173 



equipped^ supplied and furnished, than when the cam- 
paign opened. 

^ Several thousand reinforcements have also been for- 
warded to other armies in the field, and ample supplies 
to all. During the same time over 30,000 volunteers for 
100 days have been mustered into the service, clothed, 
armed, equipped, and transported to their respective posi- 
tions.'"^ 

The volunteers mentioned above were placed in gar- 
rison at Yv^ashington and its defences, and the troops 
there, seasoned soldiers, sent to Grant, who thereby re- 
ceived a reinforcement of about 25,000 veteran troops. 
The battles having reduced Lee's numbers, the Federal 
Government had by this, in accordance with their iron 
policy, made Grant's as strong as originally. This was 
hard measure for the Confederates, who could not, stir as 
they might, get reinforcements in equal rates. 

With this accession to his forces, and the knowleds^e 
that he could draw on the indefatigable War Department 
for more still, if needful. Grant was ready to move on 
again. Two engagements more occurred, however, before 
he finally left the fields of Spottsylvania. To see, ap- 
parently, if he could march past the enemy's flank by main 
force, the 2nd corps Avas advanced on the 18th against his 
right, supported by a general demonstration on the centre 
and left. But the right, an attempt to turn which Lee had 
foreseen, was strongly intrenched and defended by good 
batteries of artillery, and the Federals retired, after paying 
the penalty of nearly 1,000 killed and wounded for the 
attempt. On the next day, however, they got an oppor- 

Eeport of Secretary Stanton, May 23, 186-i. The Secretary modestly 
gives the credit of what he details to the officers of the Army Staff and 
Bureaux ; but he was himself undoubtedly the hardest woi-king and most 
enthusiastic man in his department. 



174 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. IV. 



tunity of exacting reparation, by repelling an exactly 
similar attempt on themselves. 

The Confederates were aware of the supplies which 
were daily arriving and storing in the rear of Grant's 
camp, and with the hope of capturing some of the trains, 
EavcII at the head of a portion of his corps dashed round 
the Federal right to a point in the rear. But the raiders 
were unfortunate. Commissariat waggons had been pass- 
ing the spot all day, but just at that moment none were 
within reach. Tliey had to fight, and at length retire, 
without getting the suppers they had come for. 

The time was now come for the Federals to move. The 
roads had dried up, the army was well rested and rein- 
forced. Unable to push forcibly by Lee, General Grant 
prepared to advance by detour. The strength and com- 
pleteness of his army rendered it possible for him to 
detach one flank without an attack beino; dano-erous to 
the residue. A flanking movement is usually dangerous, 
but, Avith an army outnumbering the enemy, can be done 
with ease by a general of ability. Grant was about to 
prove that he could so lead, with safety and celerity, an 
army of over 100,000 men. 

About midnight of the 20th Hancock's corps (2nd) 
started from the Federal camp to secure positions. It 
marched straight eastward eight miles to Guinea's Station, 
on the Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad, then per- 
forming a right wheel, advanced southward along the line 
to Bowling Green. The main body followed on the same 
trail the next day. Lee, perceiving the Federal move- 
ments, began simultaneously sending off his corps by inner 
roads. Longstreet's corps (under Anderson) was oflf, 
marching directly south, on the morning of the 21st, two 
hours after Hancock had moved. Ewell's corps followed 
later on the 21st, and by the close of the 22nd the rear 



Ch. IV. 



EESULTS OF SPOTTSYLYA^^IA. 



175 



columns of both armies were vanishing from tlie field of 
their fiercest contest, and Spottsylvania was left sad, 
solitary, and famous — never again, it is to be lioped, to 
witness a scene of such mighty slaughter as when Lee 
met Grant in 1864. 

In quitting this battle-field and ending this battle, it 
seems fitting to add a few remarks on the leading points 
in its character and results. There are discrepancies in 
its records, doubtless, as in those of other great battles, 
and conflicts of opinion about it still exist, though modified 
from those which partisanship adduced at the time of its 
taking place. It is hard to say that it was a victory for 
either side. The follovdno- thino-s seem certain : — 1. That 
Grant was infinitely stronger than Lee. 2. That his object 
in crossing the Rapidan and advancing was to fight Lee, 
and attempt to gain such a victory as should annihilate 
his army and lay open, perhaps without any further op- 
position, the road to Richmond. 3. That he did not calcu- 
late on this as a certain result, and did not accomplish it. 
4. That though he lost enormously himself, the losses he 
inflicted on Lee, though not equal, were such as contri- 
buted greatly to the eventual success of his campaign. It 
has been vehemently and scornfully urged by many that 
it was absurd of the Federal general to undertake a 
march overland towards Richmond ; that the imitation of 
IM'Clellan's movement by water to the south-east of 
Richmond would have enabled him to avoid the slaug-hter 
of Spottsylvania, and brought him \^dthout fighting to a 
point whence he could have immediately assaulted Rich- 
mond. This was much insisted on, when, being unsuc- 
cessful in capturing Richmond by his straight march, the 
position he took up before Petersburg gave an apt illustra- 
tion of the theory. Men said, ' He has, after a useless 
march, placed himself where he could at once have brought 



176 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. lY. 



his army by water.' But it vras overlooked by tliese 
critics — first, tliat he ^^nshed to do his utmost to demolish 
Lee's army at one blow, which could he have done (that 
it was not done is no argument), resistance would have 
been as good as over. True, he fixiled in this ; but the 
attempt was worth making. Spottsylvania shows how he 
strove for it. Secondly, that times were changed since 
M'Clellan's expedition, and he could not have embarked 
his army on the Chesapeake and left the Kapidan unde- 
fended ^^ithout leaving the road to Washington open to 
the enemy, now known to be audacious in enterprise and 
unrivalled in capability. 

* The greatest battle of the war, Spottsylvania was yet 
scarcely one of its crises. It would not have been a step 
towards the discomfiture of the South, but that the re- 
sources of the South were already diminishing. 

Compared with European battles, Spottsylvania pre- 
sents some striking difierences. Its duration, and the 
endurance of both armies, surpass Old World precedents 
of recent times, but some of our expedients for shorten- 
ing or deciding a battle were not employed. Bayonets 
were rarely crossed. The fighting was one long series of 
' potting ' by alternately advancing lines of soldiers armed 
with the rifle. There were no cavalry charges ; no daring 
cuirassiers were to be seen attempting to break serried 
sijiiares of infantry. American generalship thinks that 
arm of the service can be most usefully employed in 
grand raids round the enemy's rear, to fall on his sup- 
plies or damage his communications. 

A trifling influence may have obtained on the battle 
by the superior knowledge the Confederates had of the 
country. General Lee and his circle of Virginia officers, 
some of them born near the field, all of them by this 
time well acquainted with it through the former battles 



Ch. IV. 



EESULTS OF SPOTTSYLVANIA. 



177 



they liad fouglit in on the Rappahannock, must have 
already studied and prepared for such a campaign as now 
opened. Yet Grant, however, though new to the Virgi- 
nian field of war, always exhibited a steady aptitude for 
seizing and absorbing all the military features of a country ; 
and by diligently ^ studying the map ' — what JSTapoleon 
inculcated — a man may almost put himself on a level 
with the oldest inhabitant. 

On the whole, Spottsylvania was the Leipsic of Lee — 
the term to his success which had been long coming, like 
that to Napoleon's. • Gettysburg had been his Moscow ; 
Paris and Fontainebleau were to come at last. 



N 



178 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOXD. Ch. V. 



CHAPTER V. 

MARCH OF GENERAL GRANT FROM SPOTTSYLVANIA TO THE OUTSKIRTS OF 

RICHMOND. THE BATTLE OF COLD HARBOTTR. MOVEMENT THENCE TO 

THE SOUTH OF THE JAMES RIVER, AND ATTACK ON PETERSBURG. 

The movement on Richmond by direct march from the 
Rapidan, which General Grant had entered on, was no new 
idea to Federal generalship, thongh it was for the first 
time being carried out. Pope, Burnside, and Hooker had 
each projected such a movement — but they had each been 
frustrateil at the beginning. Grant had held up against 
an assault by Lee, before which, according to precedent, 
any of those generals would have relinquished their move- 
ments. He was now advancing and proving the merits of 
the ^ line ' on which he had said he would go if it took all 
the summer. 

The first result of the movement was that Lee aban- 
doned both the Virginia Central Railroad and the line of 
defence on the North Anna River, which it was thought 
he would take up. From Guinea's Station, on the 21st, 
General Grant marched the Army of the Potomac to 
Bowling Green"^ on the 22nd, to Milford on the 23rd, to 
Hanover Junction, on the banks of the Anna, on the 24th, 
There the antagonists halted and again stood grimly 
facing each other on the banks of a dividing stream. 

Grant hesitated to attack. He was no longer confident 

* While passing through Bowling Green some of the Federal troops were 
fired on by the inhabitants. The village was laid in ashes a few days after, 
as retribution. 



Ch. Y. 



CONTINUED ADVANCE ON EICHMOND. 



179 



that he could crush Lee, and knew, on the other hand, 
that he could brins: hhnself nearer still towards his o-oal 
by simply pursuing his policy of flanking. The ardour 
of some of his corps commanders, however — Hancock and 
Warren being too much elated by their having bonre 
down some Confederate divisions two days before — in- 
duced him to permit them to try the strength of the 
enemy (May 25th). They failed in their attempt, and 
1,600 killed and wounded was the punishment Lee in- 
flicted on them for this ill-advised movement on lines 
which it is said he had laid out beforehand with admirable 
skill and precision."^ 

Onward by a flank movement again went the Army of 
the Potomac ; passing by the mouth of the South Anna 
and along the Pamunkey, into which it merges. On the 
27 th the cavalry forming the advance crossed that river, and 
occupied the little 'town ' of Hanover. Sheridan's cavalry 
corps had rejoined Grant's army on the 23rd. After his 
dashing raid and combat of the 11th, that officer and his 
troopers had sojourned for some days in Butler's camp on 
the James River. When Grant had advanced sufficiently 
south of Spottsylvania, the splendid Federal transport fleet 
on the James brought them back by way of Fortress Monroe 
and the York Piver. Thus the Lieutenant-General had 
the cavalry corps to lead the way again, and its chief, who 
was trusted by and familiar to him, at his hand. Another 
large accession of force reached the Army of the Potomac 
a day or two later, from the same source. This was the 
18th .corps, 15,000 strong, under another old associate of 
Grant in his Western campaign. General ^ Baldy ' Smith. 
Butler, who had been vainly fighting and entrenching 
in his position, south of Pichmond, during the events of 



* Grants Beport, pp, 7, 9. 
N 2 



180 G-EANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. V. 



our last chapter, was at last doing the best he could with 
his troops by sending them to Grant, for the Lieutenant- 
Gen eral had now a grand eiFort to make, for which they 
were wanted, large though his own army was. For Rich- 
mond was now near at hand. 

By the 29th the whole army was across the Pamunkey, 
and occupying Hanover Town ; White House, fifteen miles 
lower down the river, to which there was navigation, now 
became Grant's base of supplies. Transports and gun- 
boats were already reported there, and communication 
was at once established. The army moved across Tota- 
])Otamoy Creek, and camped in the vicinity of Bethseda 
Church. The news that they were within ten miles of 
Richmond was telegraphed to Washington, to inspirit folks 
at home. The young soldiers in camp were exultant over 
their progress ; to the older ones, Avho had served under 
IM'Clellan, every step forward now recalled to mind some 
sad experience. 

Meanwhile Lee had deftly followed the Federal host 
from the North Anna, and again stood in its front and 
before Richmond. On the evening of the 30th Warren's 
corps, which was securing its position near Bethseda 
Church, received a sudden and unexpected attack from 
the left of the Confederates — E well's corps, led by Early. 
The Confederates advanced in two lines, announcing 
themselves by heavy volleys of musketry and the simul- 
taneous play of some twenty cannon. The firing was 
too high. The Federals calmly formed and replied to it 
with perfect composure and precision, though a part of 
them — reinforcements lately arrived — were for the first 
time under fire. 

Foiled in the first dash, the enemy gained no ground 
by his repeated and desperate efforts ; and Crawford's 
division, which was the most fiercely assaulted, showing 



Ch. V. 



PETTY E^aAaEMEKTS. 



181 



no signs of giving way, he had to retire and leave the 
Federals an undeniable morsel of success. They had 
only lost 200, while the Confederates seem to have lost 
at least 500, including two colonels killed.* This gleam 
of sunshine on the Federal arms seemed as if it was going 
to expand ; for, on the next day, they claimed victory in 
each of three separate encounters. The two armies were 
now facino' east and west on the creek or stream called 
Totapotamoy — the name of an Indian chief of the time 
of the settlement of Virginia.f They were not, however, 
exactly opposite — Lee's army being most south of the 
two, hugging Richmond. Divisions of his cavalry, how- 
ever, were hovering some distance to the north, and with 
one of these, under Young, a Federal body of horse under 
Wilson, an able subordinate of Sheridan, came to blows. 
Both fought bravely, but the Confederates at last had to 
fly, Wilson plying them with some pieces of artillery. 
This was entirely a cavalry affair, taking place away from 
the two armies near Hanover Court-house (not to be con- 
founded with Hanover Town or Hanover Junction). 

Earlier in the day than this an engagement took place 
on some rising ground on the banks of the Totapotamoy 
between a Federal division and some newly-arrived Con- 
federate troops. It was an unimportant affair, but men- 
tioning it affords us the opportunity of introducing a 
distinguished actor of the war — the commander of the 
Confederate body — a corps drawn from Western Virginia 
to reinforce Lee. This was John C. Breckenridge, who 
had been Vice-President of the United States just before 

^ New York Newspapers. General Early, Memoir of the Last Year of 
the War in the Cunf derate States (Lynchburg, 1867), p. 31. 

t This Indian appellation seems to have been looked upon as a generic 
name for an Indian chief by our ancestors. See Hudihras : — 
' The mighty Tottipottymoy 
Sent to our elders an envoy.' — Part II. Canto II. 



1S2 GEANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



the war began. A native of Kentucky, and the repre- 
sentative of a respected family there, he had when quite 
young become a man of mark in Congress, filled various 
gradually ascending official positions ; and, when Clay and 
Calhoun died, was looked upon as one of the very best of 
Southern orators. He was an ardent supporter of slavery. 
In 1856 he was elected Vice-President in association mth 
President Buchanan, was returned as Senator for Ken- 
tucky on the expiration of that administration in 1860, 
and then became a candidate for the Presidency in the 
momentous election which resulted in the return of 
Lincoln. Mr. Breckenridge stood third out of four can- 
didates, the numbers awarded him of the popular vote 
being 812,500. He and Judge Douglas (his co-defeated 
superior in numbers) were both representatives of the 
Democratic party ; but whilst Douglas commanded the 
votes of his party only — not the half of the Northern 
numbers — Breckenridge had the great majority of the 
whole votes of the South. He evidently had the accla- 
mation of all those States which soon became the Con- 
federacy ; and had he, when secession took place, imme- 
diately left the legislature at Washington and cast in his 
lot with them, it would have been within the bounds of 
possibility that John C. Breckenridge might have filled 
the post of J efferson Da\is. This he did not do ; on the 
contrary, fulfilling his duty as out-going Vice-President, 
he solemnly declared Abraham Lincoln the duly elected 
President of the United States. Notwithstanding this 
he was entirely inclined to the Southern cause, and appears 
to have promulgated, as so many other clever men did, 
the strange doctrine that the man constitutionally chosen 
President of the United States was not justified in en- 
forcing the constitutional authority he had just been 
invested Avith if the mere pleasure or whim of any State 

\ 



Ch. V. 



GENERAL BRECKENRIDGE. 



183 



or States denied it. Breckenridge remained in the Federal 
Senate the whole of the year 1861, till his State (Ken- 
tucky), which had at first attempted to maintain a policy 
of complete neutrality, became little by little wholly 
Northern. Then he suddenly resolved on joining the 
South and taking up arms, hoping that he would be able 
to rescue (as he deemed it) his State. After making a 
final defiant speech in the Senate, he retired to his seat 
in Kentucky, and thence with a few attendants made his 
way secretly and hastily into Tennessee, orders for his 
arrest being by this time issued by the Government. Given 
a commission as Brigadier-General in the Confederate 
army, he was for two years engaged in the South-west, 
and developed into a meritorious general — one of the few 
instances in the war of a politician turned soldier doing 
well. He was but forty years of age and of a robust 
constitution, and the talents formerly employed in civil 
affairs were not discredited by any military blunder. He 
displayed great bravery in the battle of Pittsburg Land- 
ing. After serving creditably at Chickamauga and Chat- 
tanooga, he was made a Major-General in the spring of 
1864, and appointed to command a corps in Western 
Virginia. He had now come to reinforce Lee, fresh from 
a victory. Sigel, a German general of the Federals, who 
had done some fighting in Missouri, but developed no 
capacity to manage large forces in the more regular war- 
fare of Virginia, had been entrusted with a command to 
move dov/n the Shenandoah valley, in co-operation with 
the advance of the Army of the Potomac. Breckenrido-e 
calmly waited till Sigel came up to him, and then on 
May 15, at Newmarket, inflicted on him a defeat so 
crushing as to send him back north discomfited, cause 
his supersession, and enable himself to transfer his troops 
to Lee's aid. It was a valuable reinforcement, estimated 



184 GRANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



by Grant at not lesstlian 15,000 men. Besides this, Lee, 
being now close to lliclimond, could draw all the troops 
that were left there for its immediate defence, and some 
small reinforcements from Beauregard who, twenty miles 
south, had shut up General Butler in the peninsula of 
Bermuda Hundred. General Lee's army, therefore, was 
quite strong again — stronger than it had been at Spott- 
sylvania. 

To return, then, to our narrative. The third and most 
important affray of May 31 was brought on by the main 
body of the Federal cavalry, under Sheridan himself. 
Grant's head-quarters were but seven miles north of the 
Chickahominy, which runs eastward south of the spring 
of the Totapotamoy. The Chickahominy formed, as the 
reader already knows, the first line of defence of Rich- 
mond, and Grant was now ready to begin edging down 
towards it, to grapple for his prize. With this vievv^ he 
sent off Sheridan down to its banks, preparatory to 
moving the whole army. On coming to the front of the 
hills which cover and hide the Chickahominy (steep slopes 
200 or 300 feet high), the Federals perceived a cavalry 
force movino- about their base, at the localitv called Cold 
Harbour, and apparently ready for an encounter. They 
immediately attacked it, and hard fighting ensued. It 
proved to be the division of Fitzhugh Lee. Sheridan 
had superior force, and notwithstanding that a brigade of 
infantry (Ciingman's) came to Lee's support, the Con- 
federates could not drive him back. He remained in pos- 
session of the position at dark, and immediately sent off 
a message to Grant, who replied by instructions to hold 
the place. The Lieutenant-General at once resolved to 
move on the Chickahominy. He started off Wright's corps 
(6th) at ten p.m. for Cold Harbour ; the other corps were 
to follow at supporting distance on the morrow. 



Ch. V. 



BATTLE OF COLD HAEBOUE. 



185 



(June 1.) As the Army of the Potomac moved slowly 
and cautiously south from Hanover, a curious and moving 
coincidence began to be fact. The Federal host was 
marching on to the very battle-fields on which it had 
combated two years earlier. Twenty-four months and a few~ 
days before a portion of M'Clellan's Army of the Potomac 
had marched over the ground where Grant's Avas now de- 
filing, and on that very day then, the first battle of a 
disastrous series had opened, some five miles to the south- 
west. 

Wounds, disease, discharge, and death (the first and 
last predominant), had played such havoc in the Federal 
armies during the interval, that it was but a minority of 
Grant's army that had been in those battles. The soldiers 
who had could now point out to their comrades the 
localities, fight their battles over again on the very spot, 
or speculate on the probability of their passing safely 
through the days of slaughter which again boded. 

Thus talked and thought the veterans, as they tramped 
on towards Cold Harbour, whilst the new recruits looked 
round admiringly on the theatre of such memorable events 
— a theatre of which they, too, were to have bloody re- 
membrances ere they left it. Here and there perhaps the 
pathos of this march through the scenes of former disaster 
was heightened by the keener interest of individuals. The 
veteran gazed again on the spot where he had seen his 
friend or relative— brother, perhaps — shot down ; or a 
new comer had pointed out to him the spot where Ms fell. 

The forebodings of the veterans were well-founded, 
and the gleam of success of the 31st was but transient 
for the Federals. An attempt, made late in the evening 
of the 1st, on the planting of the main army in Sheridan's 
position being ineffectual, a grand assault to force the 
passage of the Chickahominy, by driving Lee from the 



186 



GEAXrS CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOND. 



Ch. V. 



position he had boldly taken up on its front bank, was 
fixed for the 3rd. The hopes of the sanguine among the 
Federals were then direfully disappointed, and Hichmond 
was saved for yet a long while by the battle of Cold 
Harbour. (June 3.) The two armies were drawn up 
parallel to the Chickahominy, on its north bank. General 
Lee had the river, therefore, but a mile or two in his rear. 
It was a dangerous prospect, if his army were driven back. 
But this consummate master of the art of war, satisfied of 
the perfection of his entrenchments, and relying implicitly 
on his troops, knew that he was not going to be driven 
back one inch. His army now consisted of four corps : 
Breckenridge's, Hill's, Ewell's, Longstreet's — arranged 
from right to left (south-east to north-west), in the order 
I have named them. The Army of the Potomac, whose 
line extended six miles, was drawn up as follows: — 
Hancock's corps (2nd) held the left, Wright's (6th) the 
left centre, ^Baldy' Smith's (18th) the centre. Warren's 
(oth) the right centre, and Burnside's (9th) the extreme 
right. The space between the two armies — a low swarthy 
region — was not more than 300 yards wide. Across this, 
at 4.30 A.M. (firing all along the line having commenced 
at daybreak), Hancock's and Wright's corps advanced, 
Breckenridge's and Hill's corps being opposed to them. 
Breckenridge gave way before the vigorous assault of the 
first-named Federal general, and a portion of the first 
Confederate line was carried. But it was commanded by 
a higher position behind ; the troops thereon moved for- 
ward with lightning speed, and opened an enfilading fire. 
The unprotected Federals rushed back, swept by a per- 
fect storm of bullets. The 6th corps, having passed the 
rifle-pits, was sent back simultaneously with Hancock's, 
through the failure of the 1 8th to support it. The right 
of the Federal army does not seem to have co-operated 



Ch. V. 



BATTLE OF COLD HARBOUR. 



187 



seriously in the attack. The Confederates say that in 
ten minutes the decisive work of the day was done, so 
effective was their sweeping enfilade.* Nevertheless the 
Federals tried many assaults after this ; fourteen attacks 
are summed up; but all were unfortunate, and served 
only to augment the deplorable slaughter. The troops 
advanced bravely, but wavered before the trying en- 
trenchments, and fell back before the deadly fire poured 
out on them, the storm of bullets being intensified by 
grape and canister from well posted artillery. 

The brunt of the battle was over by noon. The Con- 
federates, in the afternoon, made two sallies on the sullenly 
resting investors. On the right they attacked the flank 
of Hancock's corps, but were repulsed ; that general now 
opened rifle-pits, and the Federals, unable to modify the 
Confederate lines, moved their own yet closer to them. 
On the right, a Confederate division under Heth made a 
demonstration. Whilst cutting into Burnside's corps, 
however, it was attacked in rear itself by the portion of 
the Federal cavalry commanded by Wilson, and driven 
ofl" with considerable loss. 

The Federal wounded of the morning lay on the ground 
all day. Curiously enough, in front of and close up to 
Breckenridge's works, lay mortally wounded his cousin 
both by birth and marriage — Colonel P. A. Porter, a 
gallant Federal officer. f 

Bitter must have been General Grant's mental summins^- 
up of the events of this day. The reverse was perhaps 
the most signal he ever sustained. What had been ac- 
complished? He had, in the words of the newspaper 
reports, ' ascertained that the Confederate position could 
not be carried by assault without too great a sacrifice of 

* Pollard, Lost Cause. 

t Harvard, Memorial Biogra'phies, 



188 GRANT'S AGAIXST EICH:\I0XD. Ch. T. 



life but the reader will probably think that too much 
life had already been sacrificed in the ascertainment Tvhen 
he learns that the Federal loss in this battle — not excus- 
able in the light of being an attempt at a grand deciding 
contest, like Spottsylvania — was 13,153.* A military 
critic, after allo^mig to a general the fullest expenditure 
of men in an assault necessary and made to some purpose, 
points out that great as were Grant's talents for combina- 
tion and movement, he must be censured in this and other 
costly fiiliires for inability to distinguish the difficult 
from the impossible. Much indeed was urged against him 
for this disaster ; and it cannot be denied that Grant's 
tactics too nearly resembled tliose of Suvarof, whose 
simple military maxim was ' Advance and strike.' 

General Grant briefly but frankly mentions this repulse 
in his report as follows : — ^ On June 3 we again assaulted 
the enemy's w^orks, in the hope of dri\ing him from his 
position. In this attempt our loss was heavy, while that 
of the enemy, I have reason to believe, was comparatively 
light.' 

Unable to get into Richmond, though but five miles 
from it, the Lieut enant-General had to give up thoughts of 
its immediate capture, and to relinquish the famous ^line' 
he had marked out for his campaign. It may indeed be 
pleaded that his next movement, about to be related, was 
merely an extension of that war-path ; but it is more just to 
acknowledge that it was a surplus of peregrination which 
he w^ould have deprecated at his outset. Richmond, the 
object of all his efforts, was the natural term of his journey; 
force of circumstances now caused him to decide on going 
bej'ond it. The new combination he formed was a move- 

^ This number does indeed include the losses in the trenches for a week 
after, but they 'were very inconsiderable — a few hundreds merely, in all pro- 
bability. 



Ch. V. 



'YANKS' AND 'JOHNNIES.' 



189 



ment in tlie West of Yirginia, by the army of Sigel, 
now commanded by Hunter ; a raid across the State by 
Sheridan to cut the railways ; and his own movement with 
the Army of the Potomac, south of Richmond and across 
the James, to join Butler and beset Petersburg. 
N A period of nine days elapsed ere General Grant moved, 
during which the lines of the Chickahominy received very 
little alteration. A struggle was carried on still. To 
amuse the enemy and conceal his OAvn designs, the Federal 
commander kept opening and pushing forward rifle-pits, 
and the sharpshooters of each army fired savagely and 
vindictively on all opportunities. After a few days, 
however, this practice somewhat slackened, and the two 
hosts reverted to something like the conduct which had 
prevailed when they Avere camped on the Rapidan. The 
skirmishers found their minds revolt at a mutual slauo^hter 
deadly to individuals, but useless for any effect on the 
fortune of the war. After a few shots had been exchanged 
of a morning, silence would intervene. Keminiscences 
would prompt some men. Federals or Confederates, to 
desire the amicable relaxation of a brief understood truce. 
How to arrange it was the difficulty. Although not a 
hundred yards apart, hidden in the pits, and pressingly 
restrained by the fear of a bullet if seen, the division 
between the opponents was unmistakable. But when a 
reassuring silence had followed the last stray shot, 
some adventurous spirits (the most loquacious or negotia- 
tive by nature, perhaps, rather than the most brave) 
would cautiously raise their heads above the earthworks 
and nervously salute each other. ' How are you, J ohnny ?' 
'How are you, Yank?' ^ Won't you shoot?' ' Ko.' 
' Well, we won't,' vv^ould chime in all, and immediately the 
parapets would swarm with the opponents who had been 
concealed and protected behind them. The men from the 



190 GRANT'S Ci^IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 

rifle-pits delightedly stretched their cramped forms on the 
grass, and sharpshooters slid down from their perches and 
indulged in teira Jirma, Amicably brought into each 
other's presence by this singular armistice. Federal and 
Confederate bantered each other on the last battle, or the 
general prospects of the war. Most of the men were 
anxious to ' do a trade ' with ' the enemy ' in some way — 
to exchange newspapers (which few of the Federal army 
were without) ; or to barter coffee and tobacco, or the 
chance delicacies in the possession of individuals. The 
roughly computed half-way of the opposed works formed 
still a dividing line, the parties standing face to face, but 
never stepping over into each other's region. At length 
some officer would open his eyes officially to what was 
going on, and his men had to retire. The cry w^is then, 
*Run back, Johnnies,' or ^ Run back, Yanks, we're going 
to shoot,' and hostilities began again. It was always 
understood, however, that the first shot should be aimed 
high, so that the veriest dawdler got back in safety. What 
is remarkable is, that while some such fraternal scene as 
I have sketched was being enacted on one limited part of 
the line, there was, as likely as not, a hot battle raging 
further along. The men keenly enjoyed these brief oppor- 
tunities of intercourse with each other, and many of the 
officers were glad to wink at them. An order was issued 
on June 10, however, by General Meade, forbidding 
such unauthorised communications mth the enemy. The 
Federals acquiesced in it cheerfully, as it was known that 
the army was to be on the move again, and that it was 
essential that the enemy should get no news.^ 

Before we accompany the Army of the Potomac aAvay 
from the quarters, fruitlessly close to the Rebel capital. 



* New York Newspapers. 



Ch. V. 



HUNTER IN THE SHENANDOAH. 



191 



which it had acquired, it is necessary to review the co- 
operative movements of the Federal force in Western 
Virginia. A pressure on the enemy there had been a 
component part in Grant's original design of his campaign, 
and a movement was inaugurated simultaneously with 
his crossing of the Rapidan. Owing to the incapacity 
of Sigel, the advance down the Shenandoah was, as lately 
mentioned, defeated, and the attempt stopped for a month. 
But about the 1 st June the force was again put in motion, 
under the command of Hunter, an officer of fair, if not 
eminent ability. Fresh instructions, in accordance with 
Grant's views, were given him from the War Department, 
and the Lieutenant- General, as soon as he heard, on the 
Chickahdminy, of his advance, sent oiF Sheridan to join in 
the movement, which would still be of use in the reduction 
of Richmond. General Hunter's army consisted of about 
14,000 men, cavalry and infantry, and a good body of 
artillery, having been reinforced and re-equipped since 
Sigel's mishap. With these forces he proposed to move 
on Lynchburg, the third city of the State of Virginia, and 
the region around it, important as helping largely to the 
supply of Richmond, and no less as being the junction of 
some of the railways by which the capital was connected 
with the whole South. His route lay down the Shenandoah 
valley, hitherto so unfortunate to the Federals, and of all 
the distinct theatres of campaigns probably the most 
picturesque. It is a long valley of upwards of 200 miles, 
walled in — with a width averaging thirty miles — by the 
Blue Ridge on the east, and another range of the Alle- 
ghanies on the west, and encloses the river Shenandoah and 
its creeks and rivulets. Its whole extent abounds with 
charming scenery, bold and striking handiwork of nature, 
such as seems to be announced by the two extraordinary 
examples at its limits — the passage of the Potomac through 



192 



GEAXT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Ch. V. 



the Blue Ridge at the northern entrance to the valley, 
pronounced by Jefferson one of the most stupendous 
scenes of nature,' and Avorth a voyage from Europe to see ;* 
and the wonderful natural bridge near Lexington, a 
majestic arch of one solid mass of stone, made before man 
began his work, spanning the little rivulet of Cedar Creek 
at a height of 210 feet. The Shenandoah valley was 
fertile, salubrious, and well populated Tsdthal, and with 
its natural beauties, cultivation, and spirited inhabitants, 
may fitly be styled the Alpuxarras of Virginia, destined 
as it was to a fate of ravage and desolation similar to that 
suffered by the fastnesses of the Spanish Arabs in the final 
overrunning of Grenada. 

It was down this romantic res^ion that Hunter took his 
way, leaving the neighbourhood of Woodstock in the north 
part of the valley, about the time Grant was edging down 
to the Pamunkey. The Southern army of the Shenandoah 
had just been diminished by the leaving of Breckenridge 
with troops ; but necessity compelled General J ones, the 
officer in charge, to accept battle when Hunter had pushed 
on as far south as Staunton. Hunter gained the victory 
(5th June), which was rendered complete by the death in 
action of Jones — a gallant commander. Prisoners, guns, 
and stores, were left by the routed enemy, and by their 
drawing off to thg east the upper part of the valley was 
left open. Hunter waited two or three days at Staunton, 
till he was joined by a small force under Generals Crook 
. and Averill — the latter an officer already noted for dash 
and tact in raids. Whilst he stopped, he employed his 
troops in destroying the railway to the east and west, the 
^ ties ' being burnt and the rails bent.f All the Govern- 
ment and railroad buildings were burnt. 

* Jefferson's Works. 

t The following are the details of the process : ' Up went the rails for 



Ch. V. 



LEXIXaTON— JACKSON'S GEA^^. 



193 



Lexington was the next place in Hunter's march, and 
an advance of twenty-five miles, performed by the 11th 
June, brought him to it. It fell for the first time into the 
hands of the Federals, for their invasions had never before 
reached so far south as this region, though the towns 
in the lower part of the valley had been continually 
occupied, rescued, and re-occupied for a long while. Within 
this little town lay buried the great hero of the South — he 
before whom so many Northern columns had quailed, 
broken and fled, he whose very name frightened some 
from their propriety — Stonewall Jackson. His grave was 
in the Presbyterian Cemetery on the south-west suburbs 
of Lexington, where a tiny Confederate flag, ' not larger 
than a lady's handkerchief,' attached to a staflP not two 
feet long, was all that marked out the mortal remains of 
the oTeat Confederate. The Federal soldiers o-azed on 
the grave of their great enemy with mixed feelings of 
admiration and resentment — pride in the memory of him 
as an American, chagrin at the reflection that he was a 
Rebel. The Confederates had removed the flag before 
Hunter's troops arrived. They need not have done so ; for 
one of the Federal officers assures us, that, however other 
Rebel flags might be dealt with, he, and, according to his 
belief, all the men, would have respected that little banner, 

miles and miles along the road ; soon the ties were gathered in separate 
piles and set on fire ; next, the rails were laid across these blazing bonfires, 
taking care to have the centre of each rail above the biu'ning pile ; and 
then, when the iron at a white heat was soft and ductile, oue or more 
soldiers at each end would seize the cold extremity of each rail bar, rush 
with it to the nearest tree, bringing the heated part against the trunk, and 
twist the writhing metal into rings or semi-circles, or true-lover's-knots, as 
best pleased their faiicy. The torch would then be applied to all trestle- 
work bridges along the line, while bridges of stone or iron woiild be " sent 
kiting" by gunpowder.' — Baked Meats of the Funeral {^ew York, 1866). 
The author, Col. Halpine, served under Hunter in this raid. 

O 



194 



GEANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOXD. 



Ch. V. 



which attested the devotion of one who could no more 
r^ist.* 

Whatever emotions the sight of their great opponent's 
grave may have awakened in the Federals, little mercy 
was shown to the town, nor was it necessarily to be 
expected on account of his association with it. The 
Yirgiuia Military Institute or College, founded by Wash- 
ington, in which Jackson had been a professor before the 
war, and of which, after the war. General Lee, yielding 
to a general desire, became president, was ransacked for 
its stores and ammunition. The conquerors ill-advisedly 
added to their justifiable destruction of materiel a deplor- 
able treatment of the scientific collections and the very 
buildino's themselves. A bronze statue of Washino;ton, 
the first erected to him by Virginia, was actually taken 
up and carried away — one of a few instances in which 
Federal generals, thinking, perhaps, to emulate jSTapoleon, 
imitated his execrable practice of robbing countries of their 
works of art. 

From Lexington as a base. Hunter opened his ma- 
noeuvres for the seizing of Lynchburg. Leaving about 
the 13th, he marched by the immediate vicinity of the 
wonderful natural bridge which has been alluded to, and 
crossed the James River, of which he was very near the 
source.f Another prize fell into his grasp — the Tredegar 
Ironworks at Buchannan. They were destroyed, like the 
store places before captured. This told disadvantageously 

^ BaJced Meats of the Funeral. — Col. Halpiue tells iis that he strewed 
roses as a tribute of respect to the dead hero, and plucked blades of clover 
from the grave as mementoes. 

t It is curious to note that the Army of the Potomac Tvas probably at the 
same time moving over the James, as "we shall presently detail. Two 
Federal armies, at a distance apart of ahimdred and fifty miles, were simul- 
taneously placing themselves on the far bank of the same river. 



Ch. V. HUNTEE IN FEONT OF LYNCHBUEa. 



195 



against the enemy, already so crippled for stores and the 
appliances of manufacture. 

Bold and successful as had been his movements thus 
far, General Hunter knew not how to achieve the crown- 
ing object of his expedition. Much depended on the 
possession of Lynchburg ; its capture would have estab- 
lished his military reputation. The probability is that 
the plans Grant had sketched out for him were that, if 
successful there, he should by a violent curve pass on to 
join him in an attack on Richmond or Petersburg, before 
which he anticipated to be by that time. But this grand 
combination was not to be carried out. Fortune had 
granted General Hunter a certain meed of success, but 
she was not going to indulge him to so great an extent 
as that. From Buchannan he brought his army over the 
Blue Bidge, and duly planted it before the desired city 
on the 16th. But he attempted not to carry it by * dash.' 
The garrison and organised citizens together (feeble as the 
former Avas) contrived somehow to show so bold a front 
against his first demonstration, that he had not spirit to 
follow it up. Waiting for co-operation which was not yet 
to be, too cautious to attack, and too high-minded to fall 
back, the end of his expedition (a month later, but we 
may anticipate) was that, after long dallying, the arrival 
of a force of the enemy obliged him to beat a hasty re- 
treat, and allow the Confederates to resume the offensive 
in an extraordinary movement, which will form the 
groundwork of the next chapter. 

The co-operation, with hopes of which Hunter was for 
a time animated, had been turned aside in the very first 
days of his sitting down before Lynchburg. When 
Sheridan left Grant's camp on the 7 th, on a raiding 
expedition, whose ultimate point was a juncture with 
Hunter, he had not with him as formerly the whole of 



196 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



his cavaliy force; and when he met on the 11th the 
squadrons of Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee, who had 
dashed sharply after hhn, the opposition was so serious 
that after a two days' fight, severely contested by both 
sides, he found himself unable to prosecute his expe- 
dition. He drove them the first day from Trevillian's 
Station to the neighbourhood of Gordonsville, but on the 
next, having been reinforced by infantry and entrenched 
their position, they repulsed all his assaults, which were 
very fierce. To stop longer would have put him in 
danger of being quite outnumbered by their concen- 
trating more forces, so he turned and scurried off for the 
Chickahominy again. Both sides lost about 500 killed 
and wounded in this engagement, both captured about 
350 prisoners, and both claimed the victory. It was 
in truth a well-fought battle, in which each combatant had 
good grounds for self-praise.* The Federal commander 
regained the outpost of White House, north of Richmond, 
by the 15th. He found the Army of the Potomac gone 
frcmT the Chickahominy, and instructions for himself to 
follow it to Petersburg. It is time that we should re- 
count its movements, and describe its fresh position : 
dispensing for a time with the transient and irregular 
expeditions which illustrate the nature of the war, but 
by no means facilitate the historian's task, or add to the 
clearness of the diffident narrative of the present writer. 

General Grant's army was so large that the usual 
dangers of a flank movement were much diminished for 
him, and by this time the troops had had so much expe- 
rience of it that they could be led olf with admirable 
precision and celerity. Immediately after the sinister day 
of Cold Harbour, the Lieutenant-General had resolved to 

* Report of General E. E. Lee, June 13, 1864. licport of Genera 
Sheridan, June 16, 1864. 



Ch. V. 



MAECH OF GRANT TO THE JAMES. 



197 



try the ^ back door ' of Riclimond, rather than persist on 
its death-dealing front, and the necessary preparations 
were made during the week's inactivity thereafter on the 
Chickahominy. Great was the difference between the 
way in which Grant moved his army to the banks of the 
James and the way in Avhich M^Clellan's host had re- 
treated thither. Nothing could show more what two 
years' severe training since that event had done for the 
Federals. The defeat of Cold Harbour, suffered by 
Grant, was almost as disastrous as the first attack of the 
seven days' battling was to the second commander of the 
Army of the Potomac, but the Lieutenant-General's army 
rested quietly and composedly after a shock before which 
M'Clellan's quailed and fled. The retreat of 1862 was 
hurried, harassed, and disordered ; frantic was the delight 
of the troops when they got to the river and the pro- 
tection of the gunboats. On the present occasion the 
army withdrew unmolested and in perfect order from its 
entrenchments, and tranquilly promenaded there to per- 
form in continuation the difficult operation of crossing. 

" The 18th corps (Smith) Avas marched back on the night 
of the 10th to White House, on the Pamunkey, where 
there was transport accommodation sufficient for its num- 
bers (the same which brought it). This having been seen 
safely off, the main body took its way along the line of 
the Chickahominy in two grand divisions. Wright's and 
Burnside's corps went first, and crossed at J ones's Bridge ; 
Hancock's and Warren's followed, and moved over at 
Long Bridge. Each then made its way to the bank of 
the James. Wright and Burnside debouched at Charles' 
City, and Hancock and Warren at Wilcox's Landing ; the 
two commanders who moved last havino; been eiven the 
shorter cut. By the side of the James, very nearly on 
the old position of M'Clellan, they camped one night (the 



198 GRANT'S CAIMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



13th), and on the next evening all were concentrated at 
Powhattan Point, and the passage of the river effected. 
It was a magnificent scene. The river was 2,000 feet 
across and 84 deep. They had left Richmond twenty miles 
behind, and now seemed surrounded wdth Federal power 
again, owing to the gunboats floating at anchor or trans- 
})ort vessels arriving, all bearing the Union flag. Almost 
in front of them the Appomattox River merged into the 
James, the junction making a calm bay. To the right 
of that was the peninsula of Bermuda, in Federal occu- 
pation : the fortress or prison — for three weeks past it 
had seemed hard to say which — of Butler. To the left of 
the Appomattox (as they looked south) was City Point, 
to which they were to cross, and where the last of Smith's 
divisions, brought and landed by the transports, could 
just be caught sight of, disappearing from the shore in 
haste, on the road, to Petersburg. 

Petersburg, the ^ back door ' of Richmond, is ten miles 
up the river Appomattox, on its southern bank. It is 
a large well-built town, containing in 1860, the year 
before the war broke out, 18,000 inhabitants, and ranking 
thereby as the second city of Virginia for population. A 
prominent centre of tobacco export manufacture, it pos- 
sessed a brisk commerce. It was twenty-two miles south 
from Richmond, with which a portion of the railroad from 
Weldon (J^orth Carolina) to the Potomac connected it ; 
other lines joined also at Petersburg, and gave it many 
casual visitors. Several good hotels were consequently to 
be found in the city, and, together with the usual public 
buildings of an American town, formed its chief adorn- 
ments. 

In the American R evolution the city of Petersburg was 
passed through and ravaged by the British troops under 
Cornwallis. That was all that w^as remarkable in Peters- 



Ch. V. 



THE CITY OF PETERSBUEa. 



199 



burs:, which was now to be made memorable as lono^ and 
last the bulwark of the existence of the Confederate 
States. 

Smith's corps was the first of the Federal bodies to 
arrive before Petersburg^ and, for a day, the only 
one. Fifteen thousand strong, however (composed in 
part of negro troops), it was equal to the attack single- 
handed, for the city was as yet only garrisoned by the 
troops under Beauregard, which the arrangements of a 
month before had allotted for it in case of need. Lee's 
army was still occupied watching the movements of 
the main body of the Army of the Potomac. Great hopes 
were, therefore, entertained by General Grant and the 
Federals generally that Petersburg would at once fall. 

But this was not to be. Abandoning, after a struggle, 
the first line of defence, two or three miles east of Pe- 
tersburg, the enemy maintained, nevertheless, all the 
material fortifications girding the city. These bristled 
around it from the east side, where they rested on the 
Appomattox, to the west, forming an incomplete semi- 
circle. The skilfulness, as an engineer, of General Beau- 
regard had been tasked with good fruit on these fortifica- 
tions, and many more were yet to be laid out. Every- 
where ramparts were to elevate themselves behind 
ramparts, so that every Federal attack, even if successful 
in its first object, was to be arrested by some obstacle; so 
that no surprise could bring about the fall of the place. 
The little town or suburb of Pocahontas, on the north 
side of the river, was likewise defended by forts, and, it 
need not be said, carefully guarded. The railway from 
Richmond, down which Lee's army was coming, ran 
into it. 

Smith did not carry the first line till night w^as closing 
in (June 15), and when in the morning he resumed 



200 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



operations, reinforced by Hancock's corps, the city was 
also strengthened in men, Lee's army beginning to 
arrive. 

General Grant arrived personally before Peters- 
burg on the 17th, having been for two days at Bermuda 
Hundred, the camp of Butler, a promontory jutting out 
at the confluence of the James and the Appomattox. 
Butler had constructed an observatory there, from which 
the Lieutenant-Gen eral could survey the country, and 
ascertain his and the enemy's positions. Bermuda was 
the highest point of the James to which the Federals 
could go. At a landing on its north side, called Deep 
Bottom, floated their gunboats, menaced by the enemy's 
batteries at Four Mile Creek if they moved, as well as 
by the obstructions of the river. 

All the Army of the Potomac was before Petersburg 
on the 17th, when the Lieutenant-General joined it. 
Smith's corps was returned to Bermuda Hundred, whence 
it had originally peregrinated. The army was then 
divided as follows, from north to south of Petersburg's 
east flank :— Wright (6th corps), Hancock (2nd), Burn- 
side (9th), Warren (5th). Fighting, which had not 
ceased on the 16th, went on again very fiercely, and on 
the 17th and 18th the Federals spent themselves in a 
desperate but unsuccessful attack. The Confederates 
had fallen back to an inner line, about one mile from 
Petersburg, and about the same from their line of the 
15th, now the Federal front. On the southern end of 
the latter, however — the Federal extreme left — a couple 
of redoubts, well furnished with artillery, yet remained, 
and kept annoying their flank. During the night of the 
16111, therefore, a portion of Burnside's corps, under 
General Potter, supported by Griffin's division of War- 
ren's corps, marched up, undiscovered, to their vicinity. 



Ch. V. 



ATTACKS ON PETERSBUEG. 



201 



At daybreak they charged, and after a desperate struggle 
the mastery of both strongholds, with 400 prisoners, four 
guns, and the standard of a Kebel reghnent (44th Louis- 
iana), rewarded their gallantry. So far was well, and 
their position was secured. But between that and the 
next line of the enemy a space of nearly a mile intervened, 
and the Federals had to cross open fields. Hancock's 
corps advanced from the right centre, and Burnside's 
from the captured redoubts. A terrific fire met them 
from the front and from either flank. Their own artil- 
lery did its best to support them, but without avail ; no 
further definite success attended the three attacks which 
were made during the day ; the entrenched line was a 
little further advanced, but that was all. The 18th was 
a far more disastrous day. Despite the warnings of the 
previous day. General Grant persisted in pressing on his 
assaults along the whole line. Perhaps he believed that 
all Lee's army was not yet in the place, and that, by 
plying the enemy's line at all points, some entry would 
surely be etfected. But it was not so, and the result 
was disastrous. The right, protected by the crest of 
a ridge to some extent on one flank, suffered neverthe- 
less a raking fire on its left. Decimated before they 
could approach to the enemy's works, the men staggered 
and turned back when but 100 yards from them, Avhilst 
musketry, grape, and canister completed the havoc as 
they retreated. But some of the Federal storming par- 
ties met with a w^orse fate than this. The enemy reserved 
or moderated their discharges till the Federals were w^ell 
up to their works. Then they opened fire in earnest, 
and clouds of smoke hid for a moment the sufierino;s of 
the imfortunate brigades which were close up to the 
batteries — ' lost in the very jaws of death.' ' The bat- 
tery was so close, the fire so strong as well as sudden, 



202 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. V. 



and the men fell so fast, that those in fi'ont vrere soon cut 
down or scattered ; and otliers, instinctively seeking the 
shelter which some neio-hbourinCT buildino^s afforded, broke 
from the columns, throwing them into considerable confu- 
sion. The troops were then wisely withdrawn, as a fur- 
ther sacrifice of human life, under these circumstances, 
would have been criminal.' * 

Meanwhile Butler's corps, which had ventured out of 
Bermuda Hundred, with a view to hampering Lee's rein- 
forcement of Petersburg, had been surprised, defeated, 
and driven back. On the 19th also, just as Sheridan, 
retiring down the Pamunkey from his raid, had reached 
and passed the White House, that place and his rear- 
guard was attacked by the enemy's cavalry, which had 
come after him from Central Virginia with great activity. 
They were, not without difficulty, beaten off, but White 
House was for some time after this abandoned by the 
Federals. On the 20th General Grant held a council of 
war on board the flagship of the Federal admiral in the 
James Biver, at which Butler and the leading officers 
of the Potomac army were present. The Lieutenant- 
General now resolved to relinquish the attempts to carry 
Petersburg by storm — which, of propriety at first, could 
now only result in fruitless sacrifice of life — and instead, 
to content himself with a system of reduction by gradual 
investment and destruction of railroad communications. 
To this we shall presently come, prefacing it with a 
sketch of the railway system which was to be operated 
against. A review cf the state of feeling in the Northern 
cities first claims our attention. Confident that the fate 
of Petersburg involved that of Bichmond, Grant was 
content to leave his real objective point at ease, while he 

^ Correspondence of New York He^^ald. Woodbury, Burnside and the 
Ninth Army Corjps. Swinton, Camjpaigns of the Army of the Potomac. 



I 



Ch. V. 



ATTACKS ON PETEESBUEO. 



203 



toiled at forcing its ^ back door.' The Federal populace, 
however, always desirous of quick returns for operations 
commenced, was at first inclined to be peevish that the 
General-in-Chief now left the Rebel capital unmolested. 
The confidence they felt in Grant, however— such as no 
other commander had inspired — stood him in stead, 
whilst personally, reverse or delay never destroyed the 
equilibrium of his temperament. 

^ Richmond in sight ! ' ^ How Grant is taking Rich- 
mond! ' were the headings with Avhich the blatant ' Herald' 
crowned its sheets, while Grant was advancing from 
Spottsylvania to the Chickahominy. By this time the 
leading journal of America — for such it is, with all its 
faults, up to the present time — had lowered its tone. 
The idea of printing in the place of honour, ^ Richmond 
passed and put twenty miles to the rear,' did not occur to 
its editor ; and in its useful, if unornamental, atlas of the 
war, plans illustrative of the Western campaign sup- 
planted those of Virginia. The tone of public feeling 
was of that cast which these ^ trifles light as air ' indi- 
cated. The nation, as we have said, had confidence in 
Grant ; but though it did not show the least disfavour, 
a sort of apathy as to his operations, natural enough after 
the excitement of the outset was over, supervened. At 
this juncture the head of the State stepped forward, to 
reassure and lead, as beseemed him, those he ruled. It 
was on the occasion of visiting a sanitary fair, holding 
in rotation at Philadelphia, that the President delivered 
a remarkable speech — no ornate piece of eloquence, per- 
haps, viewed critically, but fully equal to its purpose — to 
stir the hearts and weld the resolution of a solicitous 
people. On all public occasions, in all public utterances, 
Mr. Lincoln expressed himself on the subject of the 
rebellion with a dignity and composure that came un- 



204 GRANT'S C.1]\IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



studied. Contrary to an impression vaguely held by a 
good many people in Europe, Mr. Lincoln was in truth a 
very good public speaker, felicitous in style and expres- 
sion, and excellent in delivery. Messrs. Seward, Stanton, 
and Chase, of his Cabinet, frequently talked in the gran- 
diloquent and arrogant style of ^ Herald ' writers. They, 
however, were all orators of undoubted power. But Lincoln 
was never over-confident, and never wavering or daunted 
— never rancorous against the South, yet never compro- 
misino' or vieldinor. And he never talked ' fine.' After 
returning thanks for the drinking of his health, he spoke 
thus (16th June, 1864):— 

* I siippose that this toast is intended to open the way 
for me to say something. War at the best is terrible, 
and this of ours, in its magnitude and duration, is one of 
the most terrible the world has ever know^n. It has 
deranged business totally in many places, and perhaps 
in all. It has destroyed property, destroyed life, and 
ruined homes. It has produced a national debt and a 
degree of taxation unprecedented in the history of this 
country. It has caused mourning among us until the 
heavens may almost be said to be hung in black. And 
yet it continues. It has had accompaniments not before 
known in the history of the world. I mean the Sanitary 
and Christian Commissions, with their labours for the 
relief of the soldiers, and the volunteer refreshment sa- 
loons — understood better by those who hear me than by 
myself. (Applause.) And these fairs first began at 
Chicago, and were next held in Boston, Cincinnati, and 
other cities. The motive and object that lie at the bot- 
tom of them is worthy — the most that we can do for the 
soldier who goes to fight the battles of his country. 
From the fair and tender hand of woman is much, very 
much, done for the soldier, continually reminding him of 



Ch. Y. 



COXSTA^'CY OF PRESIDENT LINCOLX. 



205 



the care and tliought for liim at home. The knowledge 
that he is not forgotten is grateful to his heart. (Ap- 
plause.) Another view of these institutions is worthy 
of thought. They are voluntary contributions, giving 
proof that the national resources are not at all exhausted, 
and that the national patriotism will sustain through all. 
It is a pertinent question. When is this war to end ? I 
do not wish to name a day when it will end, lest the end 
should not come at the given time. We accepted this 
war, and did not begin it. (Deafening applause.) We 
accepted it for an object, and when that object is accom- 
plished, the war -v^-ill end ; and I hope to God it will never 
eud until that object is accomplished. (Great applause.) 
We are going through with our task, so far as I am con- 
cerned, if it takes us three years longer. I have not 
been in the habit of making predictions, but I am al- 
most tempted now to hazard one. I will. It is that 
Grant is this morning in a position, with Meade and 
Hancock, of Pennsylvania, whence he will never be dis- 
lodged by the enemy until Richmond is taken. If I shall 
discover that General Grant may be greatly facilitated in 
the capture of Richmond by rapidly pouring to him a 
large number of armed men at the briefest notice, will you 
go? (Cries of * Yes.') Will you march on with him? 
(Cries of Yes, yes.') Then I shall call on you when it 
is necessary.' (Laughter and applause, during which 
the President retired from the table.) 

This homely oration evidently came from the heart. It 
must have struck deep into all who heard it ; especiallv 
that portion where the President uttered, as his and the 
whole North's confession of faith, the grand sentence, ' We 
accepted this war, and did not begin it.' 

From Philadelphia and the fair the President returned 
to Washington, where he signed the famous ^ Gold Bill,' 



206 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



designed to check the time bargains in bullion at the 
Exchanges, which caused the extraordinary premiums 
of the quotation (96 premium, New York, 17th June). 
It was the device of Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the 
Treasury ; and that astute functionary having got it passed 
through Congress and signed by the President, let it fly 
all of a sudden at the speculators — whose transactions 
were, to give the mildest blame, unpatriotic. By its 
enactment all transactions in bullion were to be in one 
day concluded by the actual delivery of coin and paper 
currency greenbacks ') between seller and purchaser. 
The excitement in Wall Street, the centre of the New 
York Stock Exchange and banking business, was intense. 
The individuals who had sold gold for a prospective fall, 
or to realise a profit made by speculation, found themselves 
compelled to immediately deliver their amounts in hard 
cash. Prices had of course mounted, and the entrapped 
and furious speculators had to sacrifice on their quotas the 
difference between 196 — the price of the day before the 
bill coming out — and various high ascensions up to the 
dire figure of 246. But when the pressure of the day 
was over, the high quotation continued. Grave incon- 
veniences resulted from the transactions being wholly 
private ones, and within ten days the summary law was 
repealed. The quotation then stood at 280. Mr. Chase 
resigned the same day — not, however, on account of the 
failure of his bill. European critics, for a time, indulged 
in hostile criticism of Mr. Chase's management of the 
United States finances ; but the broad fact, which made 
their chief burden of accusation — the formation of a vast 
debt — how was that to be charged to the United States 
Finance Minister, when it was the simple consequence of 
carrying on the war against the rebellion ? 

From Washington, the day after signing the bill, the 



Ch. V. 



SECEETARY CHASE. 



207 



President started by steamer for the J ames River, to visit 
the encampment before Petersburg, and see, with his own 
eyes, how things were proceeding. He was received at 
City Point by General Grant, and went on Avith him to 
the front, a distance of ten miles (June 21). As the 
President and his partyrode there, they passed by a brigade 
of negro troops. These set up loud cheers as soon as they 
learnt that the tall stranger with General Grant was no 
other than the President, and cries of ' Hurrah for Massa 
Lincoln !' ^ Hurrah for the President !' ^ Hurrah for the 
Liberator !' rent the air. The news soon spread, and the 
liveliest demonstrations of joy were manifested all along 
the lines. The Lieut enant-General conducted the President 
to the advanced works on the right, whence he took a 
view of Petersburg. On the left he saw Grant's troops 
concentrating for a movement on the south-east defences 
of the beleaguered city. The President passed over to 
Butler's encampment the next day, where he was similarly 
entertained, and where he viewed a Rebel battery from 
within range. Then, ^ leaving General Grant in the very 
best of spirits,' he returned to Washington, to accept the 
resignation of Mr. Chase, appoint another to his post, and 
accept and respond to his own nomination for retaining 
the Presidency during the next term. Such is a sample 
of the work of the American President durino; the ffreat 
Civil War. 

We drop Mr. Lincoln, and remain with Grant. Our 
task is now to detail the closer investment of Petersburo', 
and the cunningly planned raids on its communications, 
prefacing the narrative with a sketch of the railway system 
of Virginia, as it was in the year 1864. The narrative 
will carry us down to the end of the month of June, when 
a sudden and extraordinary movement intervenes to 
chequer and divert the action of the campaign, already so 



208 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. V. 



eventful — a last effort of the Confederate cliief to resume 
the offensive. 

Few persons can have failed to remark that the issue 
of most of the battles of the war turned on some river, 
ridge, or wood. The inevitable multiplicity of geographical 
description in each newspaper account indicated this. 
But it is equally notable that the fortunes of a campaign 
were generally bound up with, and determined by, the 
possession of the railways of the regions of action. It was 
to seize or break up the lines centreing in and supplying 
Petersburg and Richmond that Grant now addressed 
himself. It was the strategy he had developed at Vicks- 
burg. But the task he had now to take in hand was far 
harder ; there were wider and more diversified commu- 
nications to control, Lee to counterplan, and Virginians 
to combat. It was a dreary system of investment, indeci- 
sive raids, and monotonous siege ; wearying to the soldiers, 
and chafing to the public who watched its progress. 
Fortunately our chronicle will take us to other operations, 
more exciting than those which for some months were the 
occupation of the armies under the immediate personal 
command of Grant and Lee. 

. The centre of the region east of the Alleghanies (in 
Virginia), the sole theatre of ' Za grande guerre,' was 
occupied by a rough quadrangle of railways, which served 
for the intercommunication of the State. From the superior 
line two offshoots went north to Washington — the ' Frede- 
ricksburg and Potomac ' from the eastern angle, and the 
* Orange and Alexandria ' from a point near its western 
verge. Both these lines had long been partially in the 
possession of the Federals, and were all-important to them 
when they camped on the Rapidan. From the north-west 
corner of the quadrangle the ' Virginia Central ' line went 
extending on to Staunton and the Alleghany region 



Ch. V, 



RAILWAY SYSTEM OF VIRaiNIA. 



209 



(Shenandoah valley — southern portion). From the south- 
west corner or angle (the city of Lynchburg) went the 
' Virginia and Tennessee ' Railroad, the first of the three 
great lines on which Richmond relied for communication 
with all the States of the Confederacy south and west of 
Virginia. But this line had already been rendered un- 
available for that important purpose. The Federals had 
seized its southern end in the autumn of 1863, by the 
occupation of Chattanooga and Knoxville, and the line 
was now only useful to Richmond by its security as far 
as to the salt regions in the south-west corner of Virginia.^ 

The southern face of our assumed quadrangle was the 
' Petersburg and Lynchburg ' (or * South Side ') Railroad. 
From the middle of this line ( Burkes ville), and connected 
by a branch in the interior of the quadrangle with Rich- 
mond, ran the second great southern road, the ' Richmond 
and Danville,' and continuations. From the south-eastern 
corner (Petersburg) ran the third (in 1864 the second and 
last) — the ^ Petersburg and Weldon,' and continuations. 
The eastern face of the quadrangle was the line passing 
north through Richmond to the junction with the * Frede- 
ricksburg and Potomac,' whence we started. 

^ These things being thus ' — to use the oft-repeated 
phrase of Cajsar — Grant, camped before Petersburg, had 
in view two lines on which to trample. The Weldon 
Railroad lying under his eyes, distant but two or three 
miles from his left flank, must be seized, and permanently 
controlled ; and the Richmond and Danville must be 
raided on and destroyed to the utmost extent possible. 
To further these objects one and the same movement 
would suffice, and on the 22nd he prepared to establish 
his lines further to the south-west, and embrace the Weldon 
line. Two corps (Wright's and Hancock's) got ready for 
this purpose, and the whole of the cavalry in camp, 

p 



210 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. 



Ch. V. 



nearly 6,000 men, was given to Wilson, with instructions 
to slip forward immediately the infantry corps had taken 
their positions, and scour away for the Danville line. 

June 22. — The two corps had no sooner reached the 
Weldon Railroad than they were attacked — Hancock's 
(temporarily commanded by Birney) before it had time 
to throw up any rough defences. Wright in vain en- 
deavoured to dislodge the enemy's forces, which were 
entrenched on the railway embankment ; and whilst he 
was fiercely combating with them as they assaulted him 
in turn with the impetus given by descending the slope, 
he learnt with dismay that his coadjutor on the right was 
very hard pressed. General Lee, divining a movement 
on the railroad, had promptly sent thither heavy detach- 
ments under the command of A. P. Hill. That general 
launched his forces suddenly on Hancock's corps, which, 
taken by surprise, gave way and fell into inextricable 
confusion. The Confederates pierced it, and one of Hill's 
divisions passed right through it. A whole brigade was 
captured by the Confederates, and the rest retreated in 
disorder, till General Birney succeeded in rallying them, 
a long way down the Jerusalem Plank Road. Thither 
Wright's corps soon followed, and the two held their ground, 
till a portion of the main army being pushed forward, on 
the repulse being known, junction was restored, and the 
old positions resumed as speedily as possible. 

Wilson meanwhile had crossed the track of the rail- 
road at ten miles to the south of this battle, and was 
riding hard for the west. On the morning of the 23rd 
he occupied Burkesville, about fifty miles distant from 
Petersburg. It was, as we have mentioned, the junction 
of the Danville and the Petersburg and Lynchburg lines, 
and he set to work on both. Of the former he tore up 
all the track to the river Roanoke, where his detachment 



Ch. V. 



WILSON'S RAID. 



211 



was beaten off from tlie bridge by artillery ; of the latter 
— the South Side ' Kailroad — he destroyed at least thirty 
miles, from a little beyond Burkesville, back to Ford's 
Station. The rails were spoiled in the usual way, by 
heating and bending them. To make his destruction the 
more thorough, he sedulously sought out all the black- 
smiths' shops where there might be any facilities of repair, 
and all the forges, implements, and the shops themselves, 
were given to the flames; also all the mills, where 
scantlings for sleepers might be sawed. A train was on 
the line at the Burkesville Station, loaded with cotton and 
furniture ; this, too, was destroyed, and all the buildings of 
the station. All this was done in two days, and by the 
26th General Wilson thought it high time to beat a re- 
treat. But he found it no such easy matter to retrace his 
steps. The enemy's forces, which had been hovering on 
his rear all the while, were now reinforced, and headed by 
those indefatigable cavaliers Hampton and Fitzhugh 
Lee. On reaching the point on the Weldon line where 
he had crossed (Reams Station), Wilson found them in his 
front, and himself brought to a dead stop (June 28). All 
the enemy's available cavalry force was spread across his 
homeward route. The ^ grey coats ' seemed grimly joyful, 
and confident that they would have their revenge on the 
raiders who were returning from harrying their territory 
of supply. The Federals and their gallant leader were 
in an awkward plight. They fought all night (of the 
27th-28th) and the morning of the next day, but could 
not push through. They then kept on the defensive 
during the rest of the day, and at dusk an officer was 
sent off, on a good steed, to try and make his way to 
Meade's head-quarters, to obtain assistance. He reached 
the camp, and an efficient force was at once sent off to 
divert the enemy's attention to their rear. But by that 



212 



GKANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Ch. V. 



time the hemmed-in cavalry had succeeded in making their 
escape, animated by the audacity of necessity. After 
pressing them all day on the 28 th and the morning of 
the 29th, the Confederates had pierced their flank and 
separated their squadrons. The severed portions then 
succeeded in getting off, one under General Wilson him- 
self taking a de\dous route to the east, which brought 
them out at Cabin Point, twenty miles to the east of the 
camp before Petersburg ; the other under Kautz, a gen- 
eral of division, made their way by a shorter cut to the 
quarters of the 2nd corps. Their ambulances, trains, all 
their stores, and thirteen cannon, went by the board. Many 
soldiers also were left behind prisoners, and many negroes, 
whom they had released, and who were accompanying 
them. 

N ^vertheless the execution of this raid was very credit- 
able to the Federals. It told severely on the Confederate 
resources, and disorganised their communications for some 
weeks. Wilson's reputation was not damaged by the 
disaster which attended the finish of his expedition. 

When the Federal cavalry regained the camp before 
Petersburg, they found perfect quietude reigning there. 
The hope of storming the city had been given up, and 
the institution of active siege operations was but languidly 
proceeded with, owing to the intense ardour of the atmo- 
sphere. Heat, dust, and drought prevailed to a degree 
which for many years had not been known in the locality. 
For thirty days rain had not fallen. 

During all that time we have seen the Army of the 
Potomac vigorously campaigning — fighting before Pich- 
mond, on the march thence, investing and dashing itself 
against the new bulwark it had been brought up to. The 
thermometer now marked 98° to 100° under canvas, and 
the mighty host succumbed to the influence of such heat. 



Ch. V. 



THE CITY OF RICHMOND. 



213 



The defenders of Petersburg, for good reasons, were 
willing that fighting should cease. General Grant was 
content to let his men rest. The term of service of many 
of the men was expiring, and their places, with those of 
the slain, had to be filled. Sickness too was occasioned, to 
some extent, by the heat. It was an unpromising state 
of affairs, but the Lieutenant-General showed himself as 
calm and tenacious as ever. He said little, smoked a 
good deal, and remained perfectly satisfied, for he knew 
the truth of the statement which the President, from his 
information, had enunciated — * that he was not going to 
be dislodged from his position until Richmond should be 
taken.' 

Ere we close this chapter the reader shall be briefly 
inducted into that capital — round which, and up to which, 
he has been led, but which we have not yet entered. 
When Grant disappeared from the Chickahominy, to 
carry the brunt of Avar on to Petersburg, Richmond felt 
relieved, and for a moment hoped that the withdrawal was 
such a one as M'Clellan's had been. Not that the brave 
little capital had quailed at the prospect of siege — the 
mass of the inhabitants were not yet despondent. Yet 
the first faint gleams of apprehension had shown them- 
selves when Grant had drawn near. The Confederate 
Congress then suddenly and unwarrantably decided to 
adjourn at a very near date. This resolution looked un- 
commonly like ^ running away,' and as such it was greeted 
by one of the Richmond newspapers, the ^Examiner', whose 
conductors, Messrs. Pollard and Daniells, had long ex- 
hibited, combined with patriotism, a most severe and 
irrespective censoriousness. 

Richmond is situated at an angle of the James River, 
on a steep bank, which gives a fancied resemblance to 
the English Richmond — whence its name. Navigation 



214 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. 



Ch. V. 



is practicable up to the city ; above are picturesque falls 
and islands. A small creek flowing into tbe James 
bisects the town ; and upon the most elevated ground of 
the two hills, Richmond and Shockoe, on each side, the 
better-class residences and public buildings stand. Some 
of both are very handsome, and, ^vith. the natural beauties 
surrounding, give the place a very fine appearance. The 
population before the war numbered nearly 40,000 ; it 
had now increased to over 60,000. Many families from 
various invaded parts, Virginia and other Southern States, 
had come to live at Richmond ; esteeming it, despite its 
constant magnetic attraction for Federal armies, as yet 
the safest place in the Confederacy. About a fifth of the 
population were slaves. 

Richmond was founded in 1742.* In 1779 an Act 
was passed making it the capital of Virginia, and by the 
end of the eighteenth century it had become a brilliant 
and animated city ; in all respects, socially as well as 
legislatively, the capital of the ' Old Dominion.' In the 
Revolutionary War Richmond had been occupied for a 
brief time, in 1781, by the British army under Lord Corn- 
wallis. At Richmond, strangely enough, took place in 
1807 the trial for treason against the Union of Colonel 
Aaron Burr, and all the citizens of Richmond, are said to 
have evinced the highest degree of indignation against 
Colonel Burr. 

^ It had been projected, and Petersburg also, in 1733. * "Wlien we got 
home we laid the foundations of two large cities, one at Shacco's, to be 
called Eichmond, and the other at the falls of Appomattox river, to be called 
Petersburg. These Major Mayo offered to lay out into lots without fee or 
reward. The truth of it is, these two places being the uppermost landing 
of James and Appomattox rivers, are naturally intended for marts where 
the traffic of the outer inhabitants must centre. Thus we did not build 
castles only, but also cities in the air.' — MS. Journal of Col. Byrd of West- 
over (September 19, 1733). BichTtwnd in Bygone Days (Eichmond, 1856), 
p. 15. 



Ch. V. 



RICHMOND AND ITS MEMOBIES. 



215 



To Richmond, during Burr's trials came the young 
Washington Irving, and became ' absolutely enchanted ' 
with the place. ' The society is polished, sociable, and 
extremely hospitable.' ^ At Richmond, about the year 
1835, Edgar Allan Poe lived in a garret, and wrote * The 
Raven.' 

On the crown of a ridge, and in about the centre of the 
city, stands the State Capitol, an architectural copy of 
the Maison Carree at Mmes, plans of which were sent 
over from France by Jefferson. It looks imposing from 
a distance, but the effect is somewhat marred, on close 
inspection, by various alterations and adaptations. In 
its central hall is a celebrated statue of Washington, by 
Houdon. Close by the Presbyterian Church is also a fine 
equestrian statue of the first President. The Confede- 
rate Congress now sat in the State Capitol. A few 
streets off was the residence of President Davis — a large, 
well-built mansion, purchased and appointed for him by 
the Act of Congress. It had begun to be called the ^ Grey , 
House ' in contradistinction to the ' White House ' of the 
Union President at Washington. 

The Confederate President was now in his 56th year, f 
about six months older than Abraham Lincoln. He was 
of good stature and strong make; his face, however, 
looked haggard and careworn, and one of his eyes had 
for some time been impaired, and was now almost useless 
to him. 

Few people are there but believe that, on the whole, 
Mr. Davis acted capably and vigorously in his adminis- 
tration of the government of the revolted States. He 
had opponents and detractors, however, in Richmond, 
both in Congress and amongst the newspaper editors. 

* Life and Letters of Washington Irving (London, 1864), p. 111. 



216 



GRANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST RICHMOND. 



Ch. V. 



Fitted for his work intellectually himself, he had a fatal 
faculty of showing special and obstinate favour to many 
subordinates who were not so. Mr. Pollard, whom we 
lately mentioned, sketches the character of the Rebel Pre- 
sident in the following words : — ^ It is not possible that 
any historian of this war can overlook certain admirable 
qualities of the President of the Confederacy : his literary 
abilities, his spruce EngHsh, his ascetic morals, the purity 
of his private life, and the extraordinary facility of his 
manners. But he was not a statesman. He had no ad- 
ministrative qualities ; he lacked that iudisj)ensable and 
practical element of success in all political administra- 
tions, knowledge of the true value of men ; and he was — 
probably unconsciously, through his vanity — accessible to 
favouritism.' 'We differ from this estimate both favour- 
ably and unfavourably. Making some errors, perhaps, 
we yet think that Mr. Da^-is must be credited ^^ith great 
and toilsome administrative labour in the cause of his 
Confederacy. On the other hand, we cannot see in him 
such admirable manners or amiability as Mr. Pollard 
celebrates. What literature did he (and, parenthetically, 
what literature did any Southern man) produce worthy of 
ratine^ with that of the cluster of great Free-State 
writers ? His English — as in his speeches — was fair 
enough, but not above the ordinary run of forensic 
eloquence ; and on several occasions he scrupled not to 
apply contumelious epithets to the foe, which his ruder- 
born rival never indulged in. 



Ch. VI. CONFEDEEATE HOPES AND PEOJECTS. 



217 



CHAPTER YI. 

THE TEIED CONFEDEEATE INYASIOI^ OF MARYLAND AND PENNSYLVANIA. 

At Lyncliburg, on June 25, were the Confederate 
Generals Early and Breckenridge, with a detachment 
from Lee's army which had come to save the place from 
the threatened assault by Hunter. It was now out of all 
danger, and the intruder was making his way back in 
alarm over the ridges of Western Virginia, which he had 
so recently crossed in triumph. Keenly had the Con- 
federates hoped that he would have been made to pay 
a penalty for his invasion, and it is said that Breckenridge 
was now taxing Early with having, by his dilatory mea- 
sures, thrown away the chance of capturing the nimble 
Federal and all his army. If the two generals did 
indeed so rage with each other, the discord was speedily 
effaced, and unity of sentiment restored, by the opening 
before them of a splendid vista, in which chances of suc- 
cess and glory abounded. Hunter being effectually 
driven off, orders came to advance up the Shenandoah 
Valley, and carry the war across the border again. For 
the third and last time the Confederates were to cross the 
Potomac, and enter on the invasion of the North ; and it 
was the first occasion in which Lee delegated so im- 
portant an enterprise to a subordinate. 

High hopes were entertained by the Confederate pub- 
lic, if not by the Confederate chief commander, of the 
advantages to be derived from this important expedition. 



218 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VI. 

In Lee's eyes, no doubt, the main object of tbe foray 
was the probability of its forcing Grant and his army to 
relax their tightening hold on Petersburg, by thoroughly 
alarming the North, to cause the Federal chief to aban- 
don his campaign, and draw off to defend the invaded 
homes of his men and the menaced national capital. 
Lee may, without over-confidence, have counted on the 
accomplishment of this, justified in the hope by former 
precedent. The people of the South hoped that much 
more than this, however, would be achieved. Nothing 
less than the ' liberation ' of Maryland and the capture 
and sack of Washington was hoped for. They still in- 
dulged in this deceitful dream, though Lee himself, at 
the head of the army of Virginia in its best stage, had 
failed at the outset of operations. Another of the plans 
of attack which were rumoured and discussed in Rich- 
mond was as follows: — A number of swift blockade- 
runners, freighted with arms and manned by determined 
men, were to eflfect their exit from Wilmington, South 
Carolina, and sail to Point Look-out, Maryland. At 
that place were Southern prisoners to the number of 
15,000, guarded by a very small Federal force, it was 
believed, and that ' coloured.' A bold attack by the men 
from the ships, aided by the overjoyed prisoners, would 
surely effect the release of this great body of men. 
Armed and provisionally organised, all were then to make 
a forced march up the peninsula, of which Point Look- 
out is the extremity. The termination of their journey 
would be the rear of Washington! Early's army the 
while would have crept up the valley, and, suddenly 
sweeping round Maryland, would join them — and to the 
combined forces vfhat would not be possible ? This bold 
but airy scheme never came to anything. It is one of 
the earliest samples of a number of daring irregular at- 



Ch. YI. OCCUPATION OF HAEPER'S FEERY. 



219 



tacks which were projected against the North as the war 
approached its last stage.* 

The real blow was now striking. Early and Br eck en- 
ridge crept stealthily up the Shenandoah Yalley, giving 
no sign, crying no slogan that might arouse the North, 
till, on July 3, they fell like a thunderbolt on Sigel, at 
Bunker's Hill, near Martinsburg. That luckless German 
was again defeated. After vainly trying to save some 
trains of stores and ammunitions destined for Hunter's 
use (of whom he was now the subordinate), he fell back 
and took refuge on Maryland Heights, on the north side of 
the Potomac. The Confederates pressed after him, and 
trooped into Harper's Ferry, which confronts the heights. 
Their cavalry passed on, and at a point higher up 
crossed the river. In the same breath with the tidings of 
the first disaster, the North heard that the enemy's ad- 
vance was in Maryland, and that the grey-coated troopers 
had made their appearance at Hager's Town and at 
Greencastle, in Pennsylvania. 

The first official despatch of the Federals reported the 
approach of the enemy in these terms : — ' A Bebel force 
made its appearance near Martinsburg this morning, and 
were at last accounts destroying the railroad and advan- 
cing on Martinsburg. The reports received as yet are 
too confused to determine the magnitude of the force or 
the extent of its operations.'! The hesitation and re- 
serve of this announcement only gave rise to suspicion 
and excessive alarm in people's minds ; the reports of the 
direction, and guesses at the number of the invader's 
forces, present the greatest discrepancies. From the 
most reliable accounts, however, and taking into con- 

* English Newspaper Correspondence. Jones, Behel War Clerk's Diary 
(Philadelphia, 1866), vol. ii. p. 246. Early, Memoir, p. 52. 
t Stanton's Bes^patch, July 3, 1864. 



220 GEANT'S C.IMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch; VI. 



sidevation that nine brigades was the force originally sent 
bv Lee to Lynchburg, it seems probable that we shall be 
very near the mark in putting 18,000 as the extent of 
their forces. 

Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, as of old believed itself 
menaced ; but the Confederates as yet had barely crossed 
the border, and were concentrating about Hager's Town, 
Maryland, the scene of the famous battle of Antietam 
Creek. Vigorous action was the policy incumbent on the 
invaders, and their problem the most direct manner in 
which to strike the most telling blows. To do this the 
Confederate leaders laid aside thoughts of pushing further 
north. By simply veering round to the right, they would 
enter a rich field for acquiring subsistence and damaging 
the enemy. Eastern Maryland to the Chesapeake lay 
before them, giving better promise than the Pennsylvanian 
counties which they had twice before traversed. There 
was one serious objection to this — that spoiling Mary- 
land would be illtreating their friends, for its people 
were still supposed to be at heart Secessionists. The 
spirited song of ^ My Maryland ' had long celebrated its 
Southern proclivities. Much as this consideration might 
deter, it was partly outweighed by necessity, partly by 
the intimate knowledge existing in the Confederate ranks 
of who were and who were not friendly to them in 
Maryland. 

Early and Breckenridge set briskly to work. Harper's 
Ferry was evacuated, by what was now their rear-guard, 
on July 8 ; that actually strong position, oft taken and 
retaken, had never been honoured with any sustained 
defence — unless we call so the desperate struggle made 
by old John Brown when shut up with his sons in its 
engine-house. Aye, the memories crowded thick on the 
war-path of the Confederates. None of Early's army 



Ch. VI. 



BATTLE OF MONOCACY. 



221 



may have been present at Harper's Ferry in the brief 
episode which signalised '59 ; but all knew the story, and 
might look with interest, mingled with rancour (for they 
were Southerners), on the battered building which had 
enclosed the fanatical but fearless abolitionist.* More 
recent events, as we know, had given it records of Con- 
federate victory; its capture early in '61, again by 
Jackson in '62, and again in '63. When the troops left 
it to concentrate on Hager's Town, they passed over the 
battle-field of Antietam. Not much further north was 
Gettysburg, the scene of a still more memorable battle; 
it was not approached during this invasion. The Fede- 
rals were, at this time, just about to inaugurate a monu- 
ment there ; it would have been strange had the ceremony 
been interrupted by the appearance of grun representa- 
tives of the enemy whose repulse it was to commemorate. 

Meanwhile the only force actively withstanding the 
invaders was a body inferior to theirs, which left Harris- 
burg under General Lewis Wallace on the 6th, aug- 
mented from Baltimore by Ricketts' division of the 6th 
corps. It soon came into collision, and though fighting 
sturdily, was worsted. General Wallace drove the 
enemy's advanced horsemen from Frederick City on the 
7th, and kept the enemy at bay during the 8th ; but 
with the morning of the 9th came the onset of all Early's 
forces ; and after combatting all day before the bridge 
over the Mondcacy, the Federals were driven across that 

* ' The little engine-honse of the railway -vvhich John Brown seized in 
his memorable raid, and in which he confined his prisoners, stands by the 
side of the road, pretty much the same as when he left it, the prisoner of 
General Eobert E. Lee, then in the service of the United States. The boys 
have been hard at work on the doors, doing excellent sums in simple addi- 
tion, written in chalk, and inscribing plentifully the name of the fanatic 
who thought to take Virginia with twenty -two men.' — Letter from Harper's 
Ferry, November 16, 1865, in The Times. 



222 



GEANT'S CAJVIPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VI. 



stream in great disorder. The fight seems to have lasted 
eight hours. Wallace's force was only 7,000 men, while 
Early's was probably 15,000. The losses on both sides 
were not great; Wallace lost nearly 1,000, including 
many officers. General Tyler, second in command, fell 
into the hands of the Confederates. 

Immediately after their victory, the Confederates divided 
their forces into two portions, and while one of these 
marched on in formidable and comparatively compact 
array, under the chiefs, for Washington, the other spread 
all over the country, up to the outskirts of Baltimore, in 
small bands of from 10 to 300 men each. All the cavalry 
were thus employed, and of the infantry of this portion 
of the Confederate forces, all were in a fair way of be- 
coming horsemen ; the mount was procured by the simple 
expedient of seizure. With the excuse of a few de- 
plorable examples of spoliation, the Confederates now 
threw off all ceremony. They had bought and paid 
before in their expeditions north — the two great invasions 
under Lee himself, that is to say — now, goaded by want 
and rancour, spoliation undisguised was practised ; they 
took, but paid not. During the 10th the city of Frederick, 
left at the mercy of the invaders, was filled with droves 
of cattle, pigs, and sheep, the first fruits of the foraging 
parties at work in its immediate vicinity. They were 
driven down to the fords of the Potomac, and sent over 
into Virginia as fast as possible. Those who wanted 
steeds were all by this time provided with them, and soon 
horses too were trotted down with fresh droves of cattle. 
The Government stables at the place were burnt.* 

Of the subdivided portion of the Confederate army all 
moved on towards Baltimore. That city, a large, fine 
and handsome port, situated on an estuary of the Chesa- 

* New York Newspapers. 



Ch. VI. 



ALAEM IN BALTIMORE. 



223 



peake bay, was all in alarm ; or rather one half was 
apprehensive, and the other, though disturbed, exultant, 
for a great deal of sympathy prevailed there for the 
South, and many of the citizens had friends or relations 
in the ranks of the approaching ^ enemy.' 

Baltimore presented scenes of great excitement and 
dismay on the morning of the 11th, when news came 
in that guerilla bands were hovering about the suburbs 
on all the land sides — north, south, and west ; that a 
small band of nine men had seized and burnt the house of 
the State Governor (Bradford), expelling his family ; and 
finally, that the Northern and Philadelphia railroads and 
telegraphs had been cut, all communication with the 
North being thereby severed. The Baltimore banking 
establishments removed all their specie and available 
securities on board a steamer, which was kept with steam 
up all day, in readiness to depart should an attack take 
place. The State archives were looked over in order 
that the most important might be similarly carried oif. 
Business was virtually suspended, and a police order 
closed all the drinking-bars and saloons. The Governor 
was in the city, and issued a proclamation calling out all 
the militia. He had come in the night before. On hear- 
ing of the destruction of his residence, he sent out his 
carriage along the road thither. His wife and children 
were brought in by it, all safe, but in an easily imagined 
state of perturbation. A band of nine men had come to 
the house in the early morning, and required them to 
turn out. Their errand of destruction, the men said, was 
in retribution for the burning of Governor Letcher's 
house at Staunton, Virginia,^ and they exhibited their 

* GoTfirnor Letcher vras one of the most active of the leading men who, 
in 1861, took Virginia out of the Union. It was not, however, because of 
this, but on account of his encouraging bush-hackiug— the shooting at 



224 GE ANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. YI. 



order signed by General Bradley Johnston, who was 
then at Frederick, superintending the accumulation of 
cattle and stores. The ladies of the household were not 
allowed to secure any of the Governor's papers or valu- 
ables. They were kindly spoken to, but rigorously driven 
out, and the building set on fire. The guerillas then 
went harrying about the vicinity, and treated another 
house in the same manner, on the plea that it also be- 
loncred to a Government official. Another strikins^ inci- 
dent marked the progress of this band. They had 
arrived at a farm-house belonging to Mr. Ishmael Day. 
Tliis man, an aged but sturdy farmer, was loyal to the 
Union. They swept through his place, taking horses, 
cattle, and forage. The old man looked on with rage in 
his heart, but discretion restrained him for a time from 
resisting. The United States flag, however, was waving 
over the homestead of the old loyalist— many families 
took pride in having it flying over their doors all through 
the war. To culminate their outrages, the Confederates 
demanded, or intimated their intention that it should 
come down. ' You may take my cattle, my horses, and 
destroy my barns,' shouted the old patriot ; ^ but the first 
man who dares to touch that flag, I'll shoot him on the 
spot.' One of the Confederates immediately stepped up 
and laid hold of it ; but Day was as good as his word ; 
his pistol was immediately discharged, and the man fell 
mortally wounded. The old Federal, by his superior 
knowledge of the ways out, succeeded in escaping the 
vengeance of the others.* One or two similar fatal en- 
counters had already occurred between Xorthern soldiers 

Federal soldiers on the march, from ambush — that during Hunter's raid 
his house was burnt. — Baked Meats of the Funeral, p. 310. 

* New York Newspapers. Gilmor, Four Years in the Saddle (New 
York, 186G). Moore, Anecdotes of the War. 



Ch. VI. 



INCIDENTS OF CIVIL WAR. 



225 



and Southern men, notably the slaying of Ellsworth, a 
young Federal officer, by Jackson, an hotel-keeper at 
Alexandria, in May, 1861. 

Such incidents as these seem peculiarly characteristic 
of civil war ; rarely do they occur in the invasion of a 
country by men of foreign race ; then the hatred of the 
suffering nation is chiefly concentrated on the conquering 
ruler; but a little civil strife causes individuals of all 
classes to be in each others' estimation either traitors or 
oppressors; and then civilians, animated by principle, 
grow ^ zealous, even to slaying.' 

The Confederate raiding parties were spread over a 
great extent of territory in North-eastern Maryland, but 
the details of all their forays are too minute for specifi- 
cation here — they will furnish stirring material for local 
history and legend. The bold dash made by the most 
considerable of the guerilla bands, under Major Harry 
Gilmor, was a remarkable episode, and shall be de- 
scribed. 

Major Gilmor had somewhat greater importance in, 
command than his nominal rank would indicate. He 
had proved himself an ardent fighter and an expert ' gue- 
rilla ' leader during three years spent ^ in the saddle ' in 
the Shenandoah Valley and its neighbourhood. He was 
a native of Maryland, and consequently had considerable 
influence in directing the course to be taken by his fellow 
officers, whilst he himself executed the most arduous 
movement. 

Keeping with him from 250 to 300 men well mounted, 
the flower of the guerillas. Major Gilmor passed Balti- 
more, cut round to the north-east from the ^ Northern 
Central ' Railroad to the miportant Fine from Baltimore to 
Philadelphia, which runs by the side of the Chesapeake 

Q 



226 GRANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VI. 



Bay. He held on his way to the bridge over the creek 
called Gunpowder River. Here he set to work to destroy ; 
but his mind was bent on capture as well as destruction ; 
and, by terrifying and firing on the drivers, two trains 
were stopped in succession. All the passengers were at 
the mercy of the Confederates — greatest prize of all, a 
distinguished Federal officer. General Franklin, was 
found amongst those in the second train. There were a 
number of Baltimore ladies in the trains, who showed 
themselves quite amicably disposed towards their cap- 
tors (relatives, indeed, many of them were), and one of 
them pointed out to a Rebel the Federal general, who, 
dressed in citizen's clothes, had a fair hope of escaping 
notice. 

The Rebel captors showed themselves true Americans 
in their obliging behaviour to the ladies, whether the 
latter were friends or provisionally neutral. They were 
all, after a short detention, conducted into one car, 
and this, attached to a locomotive, was allowed to pro- 
ceed. On the other hand, the poor male passengers had to 
pay a rough and ready ransom. The Rebels helped them- 
selves to articles of attire, watches, and cash even.* It 
appears that the chief commander in this Confederate 
raid. General Early, had purposely loosened all restraint 
upon his men. 

But General Early's invasion, of which the daring, 
enterprise, and fierceness had struck such terror through 
the middle States, and made it one of the most singular 
episodes of the war, was now near its termination. Lee, 
anxiously waiting in Richmond the further develop- 
ments of his expedition, and thinking, it is said, of pro- 

•'f See the interesting account of the New York Herald correspondent, who, 
travelling by this train, lost the despatches he had with him, but found sub- 
ject under his eyes for a fresh narrative. 



Ch. VI. CAPTUKE OF EAILWAY TEAINS. 



227 



ceeding to lead it himself, was suddenly to hear that his 
subordinate was wholly unable to secure an enduring 
position in Maryland. When we shall have seen the 
bold raiders of Gunpowder River join the main body, and 
detailed how the latter, with equally astonishing boldness, 
flourished its trumpets before Washington, the third 
Confederate invasion — the one Confederate attack of 
1864 — will close as suddenly as it began ; and, drawing 
back, expose the inadequacy of Lee's power to his aspira- 
tions. 

Gunpowder River (or Magnolia Station) was the 
northern limit of the Confederate advance. To Gilmor 
and his bold troopers may be given the distinction of 
having taken the most defiant position against the Fede- 
rals assumed by any of the soldiers of the Confederacy. 
They were as near to New York as to Richmond — 150 
miles south-west of one, and north of the other, whilst 
there were barely seventy miles between them and Phila- 
delphia, the second greatest city of the North. They were 
fifty miles north of Washington. 

After work, play. It is without surprise that we ob- 
serve the return south of the successful raiders to have 
shown somewhat of a convivial air. They trotted quietly 
oif from the burning trains, letting most of the ousted 
passengers go free (General Franklin and one or two 
others excepted). At the first convenient opportunity, 
which was Towsonton, twelve miles on their route, they 
stopped to procure that refreshment for man and beast 
v/hich is so needful. Alighting at an hotel there, they had 
* quite a jollification.' The landlord, whether actuated by 
Southern proclivities, or merely by that discretion which is 
the better part of valour, entertained them well ; and when 
they left they presented him with a horse, in discharge of 
the bill, which he did not perhaps present. It is with 

Q 2 



228 



GEANT'S CAIMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VI. 



pleasure we record that no serious excesses were com- 
mitted. They left at midnight, and pursued their march 
safely and undisturbedly. Either while they were on the 
march sleepily, or while they halted, their prisoner 
General Franklin escaped. 

Meantime the main body of the Confederates had 
marched from the Monocacy to Rockville, and thence on 
to the outskirts of Washington. From the glades of the 
Seventh Street Road, Early and Breckenridge came 
boldly into view of Fort Stevens and the adjoining forti- 
fications. Ill-fated were the families who lived just out- 
side. Besides some small houses, the Confederates burnt 
the residence of Post-Master General Blair. The ma.n- 
sion of Mr. Blair, senior, at Silver Springs, not far off, 
became Early's head-quarters. 

The authorities in Washington had been culpably 
supine in taking measures to bar the progress of the 
invasion. They had wished not to draw any troops back 
from Grant's army ; this, however, they were now obliged 
to do, although there were a considerable number of * hun- 
dred days men' and militia to man the fortifications. 
Skirmishing took place in the front during July 1 1 ; by the 
evening the 6th corps arrived from Grant's army. The 
Confederates did not probably entertain any serious 
expectations of entering Washington ; if they did, they 
were speedily undeceived. On the afternoon of the 12th 
the 6th corps sallied out from Fort Stevens, and after a 
brief engagement the Confederates became convinced 
that it was time for them to depart. Two or three hundred 
men were killed and wounded on both sides. President 
Lincoln witnessed this fight from Fort Stevens.* Al- 

^" Barrett, Life of Lincoln (Cincinnati, 1865), p. 590, The difference be- 
tween this and former menaces to Washington was, that it came from the 
north side, and closer. 'The first scare over, Fort Stevens became the 



Ch. VI. CONFEDERATES BEEOEE WASHINGTON. 229 



though, once cleared from around the fortifications, the 
Confederates were pushed but languidly, an effectual stop 
was put to their expedition. They could do no more. 
Nothing remained but to draw off and get away with 
their plunder. As far as it went their expedition had been 
well conducted. In the space of one week they had 
crossed the Potomac, defeated the force which gave them 
battle, scoured through the heart of Maryland, alarmed 
Baltimore, and laid a kind of mock siege to Washington. 
The railway and telegraphs had been damaged, and great 
booty acquired and sent off in stores and live stock. 
General Hunter's supplies, which lay at Martinsburg, fell 
into their hands. So well had their real strength been 
concealed, so ably were the men distributed and recalled, 
concentrated, and sent out again, that the Northerners 
— even the military commanders — never knew their 
real numbers, and from first to last the estimates given 
were so astonishingly vague as from 5,000 to 50,000 
men. 

At this epoch, whilst the Northern citizens could not 
but feel deeply mortified at being so played with by this 
daring irregular invasion, from across the Atlantic came 
tidings in the highest degree palatable to them. 

On June 19 the Confederate privateer Alabama — 
a ship fitted out in England by a Liverpool firm, and 
which for two years had preyed upon Federal shipping 
in all parts of the world — was sunk in fair fight, in the 
English Channel, off Cherbourg, by a Federal frigate, 
the Kearsarge, which had been for some days watch- 

objeet of fashionable promenade. Our highest men, our secretaries and 
ladies, pilgrimed to the fort to gape at the Eebels.' Grurowski, Diary during 
the American Civil War (Washington, 1866), p. 281. Count Gurowski 
bestows very severe criticism on Greneral Halleck, the commander in 
Washington till the 6th corps arrived. 



230 GEANT'S CAIMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOXD. Ch. VI. 



ing for her to come out.* This nayal duel created 
a great sensation at the time, in London and all over 
England. It was the only fight all through the war in 
European waters. 

* English Newspapers, June, 1864. Semmes, CrvAse of the Alabama. 
Captain Semmes, commander of the Alabama, was a Marjlander by birth, 
and had been in the United States nary before the war. The rictorious 
Kearsarge was commanded by Captain Winslow. 



Ch. VII. 



SIXKIXG OF THE ALAEA3IA. 



231 



CHAPTER YIL 

OPEEATIOXS EEFORE PETEESBrEG. FfTIEE PEACE KEGOTIATIOXS. 

During the hot and enervating month of July, while the 
events of the last chapter were performing, Grant and 
Lee stayed quietly in their camps. The two main hosts 
of Xorth and South, on whose movements expectation 
was but lately so concentrated, seemed scarce worthy of 
attention. Both the commanders had furnished rein- 
forcements to the combatants in North Virginia and 
Maryland. Grant, on the representation of Mr. Stanton, 
sent to Washington, as we have seen, the 6th corps under 
Wright. 

General Grant himself paid a flying ^isit to Washing- 
ton a few days after its relief. On his return he effected 
some improvements in the organisation of his army. 
General Ord, who had served under him in the West, 
came back with him from Washington to assume the 
command of the 18th corps; and Birney, general of divi- 
sion under Hancock, was promoted to the command of the 
10th corps. With the exception of occasional days' shell 
practice, or skirmishing, and an affair betvreen gunboats 
and batteries on Butler's outskirts on the 16th, the month 
of July glided away down to its closing days in perfect 
quietude. But the Federals were all the while preparing 
for a fresh effort, strenuous as those before, but of a new 
character. Whilst siege guns were mounted and exercised 
to keep up a show of unvarying tactics, the earth in the 



232 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VII. 



rear of the batteries was bored and tunnelled to lead up a 
great mine towards the Confederate works. This difficult 
and laborious task was entrusted to Colonel Pleasants, an 
experienced Pennsylvanian engineer. The tunnel, to ter- 
minate under a fort regarded as the key of the Confederate 
position, exceeded 500 feet in length. Commenced on 
June 28, the excavation took up all but the last four 
days of the month of J uly. In the interval between the 
latter date and our last recorded incidents, the kaleido- 
scopic succession of features which the American struggle 
afforded gives a subject for record apart from the field 
of arms. 

At the close of Chapter Y. were mentioned certain 
indications which hinted that senators in Richmond had 
begun to lose heart — to wish for reconciliation, or fear for 
safety — when Grant's army came thundering near their 
doors. As the Federal chief now lay menacing, though 
passive, by the Appomattox, some of the Southern legis- 
lators made an attempt to institute peace negotiations. 
About July 16 Messrs. Clement C. Clay, James T. 
Holcombe, and Jacob Thompson, three gentlemen of 
respectability and position of various Southern States, 
accompanied by Messrs. George N. Saunders and W. C. 
Jowett, two ' political agents ' of miscellaneous experience, 
arrived at the N^iagara Falls Hotel (British side of the 
river). To the City of the Falls (United States side) 
came immediately after Mr. Horace Greeley, the well- 
known editor of the ' New York Tribune.' Mr. Greeley 
was a self-made man, who had raised himself, after the 
manner of Franklin, from a journeyman printer to be a 
man of influence.* He was an enthusiastic abolitionist, 

* ' One of tlie most remarkable men of tlie country,' in short, to use the 
stereotyped American plaudit. The details of his diligent career may be 
seen in IVIr. Parton's life of him. 



Ch. YII. 



CONFEDERATE WORKS MINED. 



233 



but not otlierwise much of a party man. His property and 
position rested solely in his newspaper. Though a man 
of public note, therefore^ Mr. Greeley occupied no official 
position — had no credentials from his Government. The 
same remark applied to the Southern gentlemen. Never- 
theless^ when one of the President's private secretaries 
arrived to communicate with Mr. Greeley^ and it was 
known that communications were going on between him 
and the Southerners, through the medium of Saunders 
and Jowett^ people looked with interest in the direction 
of Niagara Falls, and for a moment the idea spread that 
the strangely assorted representatives of North and South 
might bring about a pacification. It was but for a moment 
that people entertained hopes of this sort. Three or four 
days dissipated them, and the details of the conference 
showed how little chance there had been in it of good 
results. Brief abstracts must here be given of the letters 
which passed from side to side, with a running commen- 
tary. On July 12 a letter from Mr. Saunders to Mr* 
Greeley requested a pass by the President or Secretary 
of War, to allow Messrs. Holcombe, Clay, himself, and 
one other, to proceed to Washington. Mr. Saunders had 
long been an active secret-service agent of the Confederate 
Government, and it has been surmised that the object of 
his Niagara mission was not genuine negotiation, but to 
test the possibility of gaining some political capital or 
looking into Federal plans. On July 17 Mr. Greeley 
sent, in reference to this note, a letter to Clay, Thompson, 
and Holcombe, saying that if they came from Richmond 
as ^ the bearers of propositions looking to the establish- 
ment of peace,' he was authorised to tender them his Pre- 
sident's safe-conduct to Washington. President Lincoln 
had' drawn up this safe-conduct as follows : — 



234 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST KICHMOND. Ch. VII. 



'Executive Mansion, Washington, July 18. 

' To whom it may concern : — Any proposition which em- 
braces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole 
Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which could, 
by and with an authority that can, control the armies now 
at war against the United States, will be received and 
considered by the Executive Government of the United 
States, and will be met by liberal terms on substantial 
and collateral points ; and the bearer or bearers thereof 
shall have safe-conduct both ways. 

' Abraham Lincoln, 

* President of the United States.' 

Faithful to his duties as President and representative 
of the United States, Mr. Lincoln, it will be observed, 
words his safe-conduct so as to firmly specify his being 
the unswerving upholder of an inseverable Union. The 
abandonment of slavery, too, is named, as firmly to be 
adhered to. In his great desire to uphold the dignity of 
his office, however, the President seems to have been a 
little too strict in requiring the Southern delegates to be 
absolutely vested with authority by their Government ' to 
control its armies.' Without derogation he might have 
received them without that condition, one would think, 
since he thought fit to communicate with them in the first 
instance through a private individual. The Confederate 
gentlemen immediately availed themselves of this sole- 
cism, and the impossibility of accepting the terms men- 
tioned, to break off the negotiations. 

Letters passed between Messrs. Clay and Holcombe 
and Mr. Greeley on the 17th and 18th. The former stated 
that they had no credentials from Kichmond, but that 
they could communicate with their Government and obtain 



Ch. VII. 



MR. GEEELEY AT NIAGARA EALLS. 



235 



them. Greeley replied tliat this state of affairs was mate- 
rially different from that which was understood to exist 
by President Lincoln, when he authorised him to com- 
mence correspondence with them. It seemed to him 
desirable that he should telegraph to the President to 
obtain fresh instructions. 

The instructions^ with the safe-conduct already inserted, 
reached Mr. Greeley by the hands of the President's 
private secretary, Major Hay, on the 20th. The Con- 
federate commissioners then declined to make any use of 
it, but finished the negotiations by writing a long letter 
to Mr. Greeley, in which they by implication reviled Mr. 
Lincoln and all representatives of his policy. They said, 
' Instead of the safe-conduct which we sohcited, and which 
your first letter gave us every reason to suppose would 
be extended, for the purpose of initiating a regulation in 
which neither Government would compromise its right or 
dignity, a document has been presented which was origi- 
nally offered, and is unlike any paper which ever before 
emanated from the constitutional Executive of a free 
people. Addressed * To whom it may concern,' it pre- 
cludes negotiations and prescribes in advance the terms 
and conditions of peace — the return to the original policy 
of ^ no bargaining, no truce with the enemy, except to 
bury their dead, until every man should have laid down 
his arms, submitted to the Government, and sued for 
mercy.' They went on to say, in conclusion, ' If there 
be any patriots or Christians in your land who shrink 
appalled from the legitimate virtue of private misery and 
public calamity, which stretches before them, we pray 
that in their bosoms a resolution may be quickened to 
reclaim the abused authority and vindicate the outraged 
civilisation of their country.' This last paragraph was 
an obvious invitation to the Peace Democrats or * Copper- 



236 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. VIL 



heads ' of the North to overturn the Government. The 
Southern commissioners deceived themselves, however, if 
they really believed that there was a body strong enough 
and whole-hearted enough in the North to take illegal 
measures against the Federal authority. In this Niagara 
Falls negotiation — which cannot be called a conference, 
for the parties did not meet — there seems to have been 
some degree of misapprehension or defective arrangement 
between the President of the United States and Mr. 
Greeley. Some impressions prevailed that Mr. Greeley 
was, to a certain extent, played with by the Confederates. 
Astuteness in conducting the negotiation Avas certainly 
all on their side. Mr. Lincoln, however, had stood fast 
by his policy, and the Confederates were balked in their 
object, though perhaps not in the most adroit manner."^ 

It would be an investigation both curious and useful 
to determine how far the President of the United States 
actuated his people, and how far they him, in standing by 
the Union. For some reasons it would seem that the 
President of a republic need not necessarily be so anxious 
as an hereditary monarch to prevent any fraction of the 
domains he rules being wrested from him by the will or 
caprice of its inhabitants, or a portion of them. He 
cannot leave the land to his child, and his own sway is 
but for a term. Thus the scheme is possible to the head 
of a republic which can never occur to a monarch — to 
intrigue secretly for the placing of part of his country, 
or the whole even, under some unconstitutional ruler ; or 
to sever his country, and set one portion against the other. 
Suspicions of this sort were indeed entertained by a few 
people of the North against the President previous to 
Lincoln— Mr. Buchanan. He was accused of to some 

* New York Newspapers, Eaymond, Life of Lincoln (New York, 1865). 
Gurowski, Diary. Sala, America in the midst of War. 



Ch. VII. HAEMONY OF PEESIDENT AND PEOPLE. 



237 



extent nourishing the plot of secession. The question 
therefore presents itself whether, if there had not been the 
strong and universal feeling there was for the carrying 
on war ^to the bitter end' for the preservation of the 
Union, Lincoln, comparatively alone, would have en- 
deavoured to sustain it. There is little doubt but that 
he would. The sentiments of the man were so firmly and 
religiously fixed on duty ; he was so clear in his mind 
that secession was wrong ; his remembrance that he had 
received so many States to rule, and that he was bound 
to hand them down unbereft to his successor, was so 
constant. His first inaugural address was an invigorating 
assurance to the North ; a mild exhortation to the South 
that all its constitutional rights would be respected, but 
that his must be also. Thus the President unsustained 
would have protested against the violation of the Union, 
but he could have done nothing more. Had the Northern 
people been so engrossed by the thought of dollars and 
cents, or swayed by the just terrors of war to such an 
overpowering degree as to shrink from the contest, the 
President of course could not have coerced the South. 
But the people of the North rose as one man to support 
him in his policy, and hundreds of unofficial persons urged 
simultaneously with him the necessity there was for his 
policy. Thus the people had the right to say that they 
preserved the Union — that they were the heroes of their 
own drama. 

The overtures of the three Confederates, and their 
spokesman in the first instance, Mr. Saunders, had been 
exceedingly well devised for giving annoyance and caus- 
ing inconvenience to Mr. Lincoln. Agitation was now 
going on for the election to take place in November, 
and they had contrived to give the Democrats an inci- 
dent on which to harp, as exhibiting Mr. Lincoln's 



238 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VII. 



Government as being obstinate and rigid in rejecting 
peace. The Democratic party were about to put for- 
ward General M'^Clellan as candidate for the Presidency, 
in opposition to Mr. Lincoln. 

On the same day that, by the side of the foaming 
Niagara, Clay and the rest began their negotiations 
with Greeley, two horsemen were issuing forth from 
the Federal camp, and pacing towards Petersburg on 
a similar mission. These two cavaliers were Colonel 
Jaques and Mr. R. Gilmore — the latter a literary man 
of book and newspaper practice — who afterwards related 
the details of the mission. Passing safely into the Con- 
federate lines under flag of truce, as prearranged, they 
were taken on to Kichmond, where they obtained an in- 
terview with President Davis and his Secretary of State, 
Mr. Benjamin. 

The status of these two agents for peace overtures waS 
more vao^ue and unofficial even than that of the Southern 
com^missioners at Niagara Falls. The latter seem to have 
been in some degree inspired by their Government, and 
were — at least, two of them — men of public note. Of 
Messrs. Jaques and Gilmore the public at large had 
never heard anything. The true solution of the mystery 
of their goino^ to Richmond seems to have been that 
President Lincoln allowed them to have passes as a 
freak, and Avithout giving them the slightest credentials, 
or exhortations as to conducting their mission. Perhaps 
he did it as an offset to the trick which he, more shrewd 
than Mr. Greeley, saw that the Confederates were foist- 
ing upon him. However, the excitement which tliis 
mission, too, aroused was soon over. President Davis 
said to Messrs. Jaques and Gilmore, as speaking for his 
people, * That they were fighting for independence, and 
that, or exterminatioE, they would have ; he had tried all 



Ch. VII. FIGHTING IN THE SHENANDOAH. 



239 



in his power to avert the war.' In conclusion-^ he said 
* that they were not fighting for slavery.' ^ 

Messrs, Jaques and Grilmore returned to the Federal 
lines. Peace rumours died away, and ere the month 
elapsed, the din of battle again resounded. First of all 
(July 18) President Lincoln issued a call for 500,000 
more men to be drafted, if not enrolled, before the begin- 
ning of September. Fighting began again, and marching 
and counter-marching in the Shenandoah Valley. After 
Early's great raid, or ' scare,' in the neighbourhood of 
Washington, had been repelled, as narrated in our last 
chapter. General Wright, commander of the 6th corps, 
joining to it the re-inspirited troops of Hunter, pursued 
the invaders to what he deemed a sufficient distance down 
the Shenandoah. As General Grant had given instruc- 
tions for the return of the 6th corps as soon as possible, 
Wriofht then counter-marched to Washino;ton, in order to 
re-embark for the James River. As he parted, Averill, 
one of Hunter's subordinates, was snatching a victory, 
defeating a portion of the Confederate rear-guard south 
of Winchester. (July 20.) He deemed, therefore, that 
Early's forces would give no trouble, or that Hunter 
would be equal to preventing any recoil by them. But 
no -sooner was General Wright fairly from the field, than 
the late raiders again made head, and falling first on 
Averill, made him pay for his recent triumph. Defeated 
this time, he retired to Harper's Ferry, to rally under 
Hunter. Winchester of course changed hands again — • 
to be occupied alternately by blue-coats and grey-coats, 
seemed now the normal condition of the old border town. 
Martinsburg also was occupied by Early's forces. 

General Early, though he must have anticipated the 
quick return of the enemy in force, sent out raiding par- 

* Narrative in The Atlantic Monthli/. Ntvj YorJc Times. 



240 



GEANT'S CMIPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VII. 



ties as boldly as lie liad a fortnight before. M^Causland, 
one of tbe leaders of tbe guerilla parties then, crossed the 
Potomac again, and, as the most concentrated subject for 
mischief he could find, seized the unfortunate to^\Ti of 
Chambersburg. Unsuccessful in an attempt to levy 
from the inhabitants a contribution of 500,000 dollars, he 
set fire to it, saying that this, too, was retahation for the 
ravages committed near Lexington by Hunter. Ere the 
work of destruction was quite finished, the Federal 
cavalry under General Averill came up. They could 
not save the burning toAvn, but they pushed after M^Caus- 
land's forces, which, inferior in numbers, fled before them. 
After a chase of fifty miles, the Federal cavalry leader 
rejoiced in a skirmish, a success, and trophies in prisoners 
and guns. (August 7.) M'Causland got off with dimin- 
ished numbers, and rejoined Early at Martinsburg. The 
chief smiled grim approval at the vengeance taken by 
this and others of his subordinate raiders (among whom 
were Mosby, the Virginian guerilla, and Major Harry 
Gilmor, noticed in our last chapter). He could not ven- 
ture on the bold emulation of Lee's invasions, which had 
at first seemed possible for him. The Federal 6th corps, 
detained at Washington, on the first tidings of renewed 
menace, had re-marched to Harper's Ferry, to oppose fur- 
ther attempts to cross the Potomac. General Early fell 
back, and concentrated all liis forces at Winchester. There 
we leave him, whilst we view one of the most important 
episodes of General Grant's operations before Petersburg, 
and which was a very disastrous one. 

^ With a view of cutting the enemy's railroad from 
near Richmond to the Anna Rivers,' says the Lieutenant- 
General, ^ and making him wary of the situation of his 
army in the Shenandoah, and in the event of failure 
in this, to take advantage of his necessary withdrawal of 



Ch. VII. FEINT ON THE NOETH OF THE JAMES. 



241 



troops from Petersburg to explode a mine that had been 
prepared in front of the 9th corps, and assault the enemy's 
lines at that place, on the night of July 26 the 2nd 
corps, and two divisions of the cavalry corps, and Kautz's 
cavalry, were crossed to the north bank of the James 
Kiver, and joined the force General Butler had there.'* 
The detachment -v^ithdrew from the left of the line before 
Petersburg, and marching past Bermuda Hundred, crossed 
to the north side of the James on a muffled pontoon, and 
formed order of battle there about seven o'clock on the 
morning of the 27th. A Confederate force, with six guns, 
was posted a little way back from the James, along a road 
running at right angles "with the little stream called Four- 
mile Creek. General Hancock joined battle, and dis- 
lodged them from the position, capturing four guns, which 
turned out to be Federal losses of some weeks before. 
The day closed auspiciously ; but on the 28th, when the 
Federals re- advanced, the enemy was found again strongly 
posted, and replenished in numbers. Some hours' cere- 
monious fighting took place. General Lee had watched 
the Federal movements, and, with careful computation of 
his own position and strength, had contrived to spare 
sufficient for the Four-mile Creek defences to bar the 
way against the Federal advance there, which — feint 
though it might be — he was obliged to guard against as 
earnest. Four-mile Creek was but ten miles south of 
Richmond. In Grant's greatly superior forces lay the 
embarrassment of Lee, as the Federal general could make 
a formidable side movement, without weakening in any 
way his stationary host in the front of Petersburg, always 
ready to take advantage of a serious diminution of the 
strength of the defenders of the city. It remained to be 
seen on this occasion whether Lee had accurately provided 

* Grant's Report, p. 13. 
R 



2i2 



GRANT'S C.lIVIPAiaN AGAIXST RICHMOND. Ch. YII. 



for the strength of Petersburg, or for the return of his 
troops thither in time. It was now Grant's time to 
strike his main blow, for he had not seriously presumed 
that Hancock would make much way. It was not likely 
but that the Confederates would still \dgilantly guard the 
approaches to Richmond itself, as well as to Petersburg, 
its ^ back door.' 

The mine mentioned in the beginning of this chapter 
was now completed. It led from the ground occupied by 
Burnside's corps to a fort in its front, near the Petersburg 
Cemetery. This fort had six guns mounted, and was re- 
garded as the key of the enemy's first line. The tunnel 
was 500 feet long ; its height 5 feet 6 inches ; breadth 4 
feet at bottom, 2 feet at top ; depth near the fort 20 feet. 
Six tons of powder were deposited, and at 4.40 o'clock on 
the morning of the 30th it was exploded, with tremendous 
effect.^ With a great flash and a roar the detached cone 
of earth went up, bearing with it the timber and planking 
and the bodies of the garrison, some 250 men. Immediately 
after the Federal artillery (95 pieces) opened fire, playing 
furiously all along the line, and speedily the 9th corps 
(Burnside's), supported by the 18th corps and a small 
part of the 5th, charged on the breach. That, the 
^ crater,' and a portion of the line to the right and left, 
were taken without difficulty. The breach on each side 
the ruined fort contained a few hundred live Rebels, who, 
maimed some of them, and half-stunned, were struggling 
to clamber out of the sand and rubble. About 250 of 
them were made prisoners, the Federals assisting to dig 
out those whom a few minutes before they had been so 

* The explosion had originally been fixed for an earlier hour, but was 
delayed by the fuse, which had been spliced half way, annoyingly going 
out. An officer of the 28th Pennsylvania daringly entered the tunnel and 
relit the fuse. 



Ch. YII. 



EXPLOSION OF THE MINE. 



243 



anxious to buiy. They ^vere sent to the rear, and the 
captured line remained occupied by the rear divisions of 
the 9th corps ; whilst the 2nd division, or centre, pushed 
on and carried a detached work beyond, situated before 
the real second line of the enemy. The 9th and 18th 
corps alone were taking part in the storm. All the man- 
agement seemed to rest with General Burnside. He, 
however, was disconcerted by the inactivity of the rest 
of the army. It is said that the arrangements of 
the enemy before had left a movement by General Meade 
agreed on, and Burnside may well have been put out if 
such Avas indeed the case. A brief halt took place ; brief as 
it was, it counted for much to the enemy. When the mine 
exploded the CoHfederates were for the moment utterly 
paralysed. They knew not but that other forts might 
next go up. But now they had rallied on theh' inner 
line, and already their guns were opening. An unfortunate 
indecision had seized the leaders of the attack. Some- 
tliing had to be done quickly, however, and the coloured 
troops were ordered forward to take part in the charge 
from the detached work captured. It had been in con- 
templation before the 30th that the negroes should be 
the very first troops to attack, but Generals Grant and 
Meade overruled Burnside's suggestion to that effect, on 
account of the odium which would arise, in the event 
of non-success, for their being put first. As it was, how- 
ever, the poor coloured troops had to plunge into a fear- 
fully difficult operation. Charging on to the fortified 
ridge, where the enemy was massed beyond the ^ crater,' a 
galling fire was poured down on them. Up to this mo- 
ment they had behaved well. Now they gain the front, 
and now from right and left merciless volleys salute them 
in common with the white troops. All gave way. We 
may gather from the reports of eye-witnesses that white 



2i4 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VII. 



and coloured recoiled witli about equal dismay ; but that, 
once disordered, confusion and panic terror spread far 
faster among the black troops. Bewilderment and per- 
sonal fear entered the minds of the white soldiers, no 
doubt, as the recoil of their front with lightning speed 
developed into a pitiable rout ; but it was as nothing to 
the terror-stricken state of the blacks. Hurrying back, 
and huddled into the breach line and the ^ crater,' they 
found themselves there in a perfect slaughter-pen. In 
their despair, even presence of mind to give themselves, 
regardless of orders, the best chance of safety by flight, 
seemed to desert them. 

Speedily the enemy advanced the reinforcements of 
infantry which he was receiving from the rear. These 
fell in a most infuriate manner on the Federal blacks. 
Exasperated at seeing negroes — former slaves — armed 
against them, they cast off all mercy, even to those who 
cried for quarter as prisoners. The poor negroes were 
savagely bayoneted, or stricken deadly blows on the head 
with the butt-end of the musket. The first telegraph 
message of newspaper correspondents stated that, as the 
result of this unfortunate attack, the black brigades of 
the Array of the Potomac had virtually ceased to exist. 
This was a great exaggeration ; but there was, in truth, a 
frightful slaughter of the negroes, to mitigate the error of 
the assertion. Much of the panic of the men may be 
attributed to the great slaughter of officers which also 
signalised the repulse ; more of these now fell, while try- 
ing bravely, but unsuccessfully, to rally the fugitives. 

In the ' crater ' of the blown-up fort many of the blacks 
were now huddled, mingled with some whites, all hesi- 
tating to plunge back across the open to their own lines, 
though shells were ploughing them where they were, and 
it was but very slight defence which the ruins afforded 



Ch. TII. FAILUEE OF THE MINE ATTACK. 



245 



til em against infantry. General Bartlett, with many 
officers, joined company there, endeavouring, but in vain, 
to make the men stand up against the advancing enemy. 
Three officers were killed and two wounded while stand- 
ing on the fragment of parapet, waving their swords and 
calling to the men to come on. General Bartlett, having 
broken his cork leg in his exertions, was eventually taken 
prisoner. But few individuals, out of the hundreds who 
had ill-advisedly rushed into the ruined fort and its 
vicinity, got back to their own lines. Those who did so 
ran the gauntlet of a storm of bullets. The other divisions 
fell back under similar difficulties. The close of the after- 
noon saw them in the same position as in the early morn- 
ing, with little difference, save that their dead and 
wounded lay thickly strewn on the ground at about 300 
yards in the front, Thus,' says the Lieutenant -General, 
in his report, ^ terminated in disaster what promised to 
be the most successful assault of the campaign.' 

Grant's loss in this unfortunate attack was, as stated 
at the time, 5,640 killed, wounded, and missing.* 

* Professor Coppee gives the total of Grant's loss, on »what anthority I 
am unable to discover, as only 4,003. Grant and Ms Camjoaigni^. 



246 



GKANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Ch. YIII. 



CHAPTER YIII. 

OPEEATIOXS BEFORK PETERSBURG. — EXHAUSTION OF THE SOUTH. — DETER- 
MINATION OF THE NORTH. 

After the repulse of July 30 a dead calm fell on the 
Army of the Potomac. General Grant appeared to con- 
sider further efforts on a grand scale unadvisable. The 
catastrophe had not in the least shaken his wonderfully 
firm and stolid temperament. Unmoved by the severity 
of the failure, or the crop of annoyances which followed 
it — the bickerings between his subordinate generals, the 
criticisms and reproaches of the press,* the anxiety of the 
chief of the State evenf — the Lieutenant-General turned 
himself quietly to some reforms in the disposition of the 
army defending Washington and Maryland, mthout 
seeking to divert attention from disaster by any hazard- 
ous movement on the spur of the moment. He left 
City Point on August 4, and, after passing through 
Washington, visited the head-quarters of General Hun- 
ter, at Monocacy, north-east of Harper's Ferry, on the 
north bank of the Potomac, the scene of the battle in the 
Confederate invasion of a month before. Hunter, in the 
conference Grant had mth him, expressed his willingness 

* The ^ew York Daily News about this time asserted that General 
Grant ' had provided either a cripple or a corpse for half the homes of the 
North.' The News was vehemently hostile to the Federal Government. 

t President Lincoln proceeded by steamboat to Fortress Monroe the day 
after the ' mine fiasco,' and had an interview with General Grant. 



Ch. VIII. 



PEOMOTION OF SHERIDAN. 



247 



to be relieved, and the Lieutenaut-General accepted the 
resignation ; not because he was displeased with or dis- 
trustful of this veteran soldier (a conspicuous officer of 
the old regular army of the United States), but because 
he had in idew one to take his place from whom he ex- 
pected an entire and most advantageous change in the 
character of Federal campaigning in the north-west 
re2:ion of Viro-inia. 

General Sheridan, his chief cavalry leader, was at once 
telegraphed for, put at the head of Hunter's forces, and 
the next day (August 7) instated Commander of the 
Middle Military Division, to operate in the Shenandoah 
Valley, having under him Hunter's forces, Wright's 6th 
corps, and the 19th corps. Grant issued orders, further, 
for two cavalry divisions from before Petersburg to join 
the Shenandoah Army ; and having effected these changes, 
destined to bear good fruit — as we shall see by-and-bye — 
he returned to City Point. 

Nothing of great importance had occurred during his 
absence. General Lee exploded a mine on the 5th, 
without such disaster, but quite as fruitlessly, as the 
Federal attempt a week before. The Confederate en- 
gineers failed to estimate correctly the underground dis- 
tance to the fort they wished to blow up, and the mine 
fell short of it by over forty feet. Up went masses of 
earth, dust and rubble, with clouds of smoke, to come 
down again harmlessly outside the Federal earthworks. 
The explosion would have been vain in any case, for the 
Federal officers had divined its projection, had discovered 
its whereabouts, and on the night of the 4th withdrew the 
garrison and pieces from the fort, leaving ' Quaker guns ' 
in place of the latter. The Federals had now long be- 
come experienced in the ruses of warfare, and thus, 
as on other occasions before it, deceived their adversaries 



2i8 



GRAT^T'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Cii. VIII. 



in the same way that they themselves had been deceived 
by the wooden guns in front of the lines of the Potomac 
in the spring of 1862. 

On the 7th some of the troops of the rear of the 
Federal army, rendered furious by the recent experi- 
ence of defeat in front, committed a wanton act of de- 
struction, by setting on fire the little town of Prince 
George's Court-house, about five miles from camp. 
This was the only act of the kind set down against the 
Army of the Potomac during its campaign of 1864. In 
its whole career that army had a proud record of good 
conduct in the enemy's country. 

On the 13th, Grant sent Hancock, with the 2nd and 
10th corps and Gregg's cavalry division, to the north 
side of the James. The movement was a repetition of 
that of July 27, recorded in our last chapter. The de- 
tachment secured a position at ^ Deep Bottom,' a landing 
opposite Jones' Neck, and thereby gave more cover for 
exertion to General Butler, who had already- a footing- 
near it, supported by the gunboats which lay off the 
mouth of Four-mile Creek. The gunboats, it will be 
remembered, could not go further up towards Richmond, 
owino; to the obstructions and the formidable batteries at 
the bend just beyond ; and General Butler could not 
make a move, for reasons best known to himself. Pos- 
sessing valuable administrative ability, he had notwith- 
standing failed in compassing real success in any war 
operation he had, alone, attempted. He seemed settled 
permanently at Bermuda Hundred and the little adjunct 
of Deep Bottom ; and as General Grant afterwards, with 
severe irony, stated, ' His army, though in a position of 
great security, was as completely shut off from operations 
directly against Richmond as if it had been in a bottle 
strongly corked.' Though unable to make any dashing 



Ch. VIII. 



WELDOX KAILEOAD. 



249 



movement, however, General Butler was industrious, and 
at this epoch he had obtained the Lieutenant-General's 
sanction to a project for a canal at Dutch Gap, to cut 
throu2:h the tono;ue of land in the bend of the river. To 
this great engineering work we may again refer. 

Hancock's little campaign lasted just a Aveek. On the 
20 th his troops were Avithdrawn to assist in some more 
operations before Petersburg, He had been successful 
in an engagement on the 14th, capturing six guns and 
several hundred prisoners, but at considerable loss in 
killed and Avounded to his own forces. So sharp did this 
advance- come on the Confederates, that for an hour or 
tAVO there Avas — though neither side fully realised it — a fair 
chance of a breach in Lee's lines, and an advance right 
on to Richmond by Hancock's forces. General Grant 
himself appears to have been Avith Hancock all the day. 
On the 16th they advanced to the battle-fields of the 
Chickahominy, and to Avithin six miles of Ivichmond. 
This push forward had the effect Grant Avished of caus- 
ing Lee to send heavy reinforcements from Petersburg 
to the threatened capital. Then, satisfied that they were 
so diverted, and being made aAvare that one or two Con- 
federate divisions had left for the Shenandoah, the Lieu- 
tenant- General recalled Hancock to before Petersburg. 
He did not intend any storming attempt this time, but he 
Avas about to tighten the iron grip, Avhich Avashis soundest 
and most characteristic policy. To give his settlement 
before Petersburg the character of a real investment, it 
Avas absolutely necessary that the neighbouring portion 
of the Weldon Railroad should be in his hands. The 
Confederates knew the importance of the line, and had 
strenuously resisted his 'former attempt on it ; noAv again, 
despite the feint Grant Avas offering across the James, 
their able chief soon had troops in position for its defence. 



250 GEAXT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST PxICHMOyD. Ch. Vni. 



^vlien on the ISth Warren's 5tli corps marched out to 
take possession. 

The struggle which followed for several days, though 
never attaining the character of a general engagement, 
deserves that title of ^ a week of battles ' which was so 
frequently occurring in the American War. There was 
fighting on the 18th and 19th, and it only deepened in 
intensity when Hancock's corps returned (21st). Thrice 
on the 19th, thrice on the 21st, and at least once on the 
18 th and 20th, the Confederates assaulted the 5th corps 
and its reinforcements. A. P. Hill's corps was the one 
^principally employed on the Confederate side, but several 
times durino; this obstinate strus-ale cannonadinor would 
open on the old-established Federal lines to the north- 
east. The position newly acquired by the Federals lay 
on the line of Weldon Railroad, at and about the station 
called ' Reams,' the first from Petersburg, at about ten 
miles south of it. During the six days, down to the 25th, 
this fighting cost Grant 4,543 men. It is impossible to 
give Lee's losses with any degree of accuracy, but they 
were less than Grant's. On the 25th came the culminat- 
ing fight. All day Hill plied Hancock, who was now 
the general immediately defending Reams Station. It is 
not the first time we have seen these generals pitted 
against each other. In the Wilderness before Spottsyl- 
vauia the gallant young Pennsylvanian had been forced 
back, bravely resisting, by the swift onslaught of the 
fiery Virginian. More recently, on the 22nd of the last 
month, their corps had met, and again M^tli defeat to 
Hancock. Bravely he bore up now, hoping to retrieve 
and avenge former fortunes. Fervently he tried to nerve 
his divisions with his own spirit. ♦ So did Hill, however, 
who was in the hottest of the fight, and once was reported 
to have fallen wounded from his horse. But the morning 



Ch. Till. 



EEAMS STATIOX. 



251 



and afternoon passed, and Hancock, having repelled four 
desperate charges, fondly hoped that he was successful. 
In vain. At five o'clock Hill concentrated all the force 
he could, and telKng the subordinate general who was to 
lead it that he must make way at all hazards, poured in 
a fifth charge. Hancock's centre gaA'e way ; the right 
and left fought on longer, but were swept back eventually, 
and there was no resource but to retreat four or five 
miles, and join the camp of the oth corps. The loss of 
the Federals in this battle was 2,432. By the reverse of 
the close. Reams Station was left in the liands of the 
Confederates, and Grant's object temporarily frustrated, 
for only four miles of the Weldon line was under certain 
control of Hancock and TTarren. Though Grant's line 
was so far extended, the object of the advance had still 
to be achieved, as ail the Confederates had to do was to 
convoy their supplies by a detour of but slight incon- 
venience, though, it is true, of considerable risk."^ 

Though General Hill had thus preserved for a time the 
use of the AVeldon Railroad, several questions of supply 
were now weio-hino- with exceedino^ heaviness on the 
minds of those Confederates who were capable of reflect- 
ing calmly on their position. These problems are quickly 
named: 1, equipments ; 2, food; 3, men. 

For three years the magnificent fertility of the Southern 
States had stood them in such stead that they had no 
anxiety as to their food resources. Some of the luxuries 
of eating and drinking — articles of importation, tea and 
coffee, &c. — had become enormously dear, but the staples 
of life remained reasonably plentiful and cheap. Suc- 
cessful Federal inroads were, to the end of 1863, the 

* Grant's Eeport. Lee^s Beports. Swinton, Army of the Votornac. 
Coppee, Grant and his Campaigns. Pollard, Lost Cause. Lee and his 
Lieutenants. Headley, Massachusetts in the Eehellioji. 



252 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VIII. 



exception ; and what damage was by them done to stores, 
joined to the very slight falling off in production latterly, 
through scarcity of labour, was still counterbalanced by 
the yet vast internal resources of such States as Alabama, 
Georgia, and the Carolinas. In the commencement of 
1864 Virginia began to give serious symptoms of exhaus- 
tion, especially in the eastern districts. Despite the fre- 
quent incursions which had been inflicted on the northern 
portion of the Shenandoah district, that valley was still 
what it had ahvays been — ^the Garden of Virginia.' But 
there was a severe outlook for the State generally. In 
almost all its circumference the running away of slaves 
(which took place only on one frontier of other States) 
■^\^as continually diminishing the number of cultivators of 
the soil. 

The railway communications of the South — those com- 
munications the overwhelming importance of which the 
course of the war had long demonstrated — were becoming 
disorganised even so early as 1863. Already, as far as 
we have followed the course of Grant's campaign, w^e 
have seen how great was the damage which 1864 was 
bringing on them. But the supreme influence causing 
the deficiency of supply of the Southern armies w^as the 
utterly bad management of the Southern Government. 
Of the administration only two members possessed emi- 
nent talent — the President and Mr. Benjamin, Secretary 
of State; and the latter gentleman, though able and 
active, was very unpopular. But the Commissariat De- 
partment appears to have been administered by a wofully 
incapable head. Commissary Northrop is concisely re- 
presented to us by Southern writers as ^ celebrated as 
much for his want of judgment as for his contempt of 
advice.' Yet this man was obstinately retained in office 
by Jefferson Davis. 



Ch. VIII. 



STEAITS OF THE CONFEDERACY. 



253 



A few instances may as well be given here of tlie em- 
barrassments and derelictions of the Confederate supply 
departments. 

On January 2, 1864, General Lee wrote to tlie Presi- 
dent that he had j\ist heard of two droves of cattle from 
the West, destined for his army, being ordered to the 
city of Richmond instead of to the banks of the Rapidan. 
He said that he had but one day's mea^t rations, and he 
feared he would not be able to retain his troops in the 
field. 

About the same time General Joseph E. Johnston 
wrote from the head-quarters of the Confederate army of 
the Wesc, that the meat there was so indifferent that he 
would be oblio:ed to issue to his soldiers an additional 
quantity of rice.* 

On May 2, two days before the commencement of the 
battle of Spottsylvania, there were but two days' rations 
provided for Lee's army. This was running calculations 
of supply very close, in a time when good food for the 
army was of paramount importance. 

^ On June 23,' says Mr. Pollard, ^ when Yf ilson and 
Kautz cut the Danville Railroad, which was not repaired 
for twenty-three days, there were only thirteen days' 
rations on hand for General Lee's army ; and to feed it 
the commissary-general had to offer market rates for 
wheat then uncut or shocked in the field, thereby incur- 
ring an excess of expenditure which, if invested in corn 
and transportation, would have moved ten millions of 
bread rations from Augusta to Richmond.'! Mr. Pollard 
refers to rations of any kind; but, as regards that im- 
portant supply for fighting men, meat, it appears that on 
several occasions the army vv^as quite destitute of it for a 

^ Behel War Clerk's BiarT/, vol. ii. p. 125. 
t Lost CaiLse, p. 647. 



2oi GRXSTS a\:yiPAIGX AGAIN'ST EICIDIOXD. Ch. VIII. 



day or two. This was the case early in the spring of 
1864. TThen campaigning began, and the armv came into 
Eichmond and Petersburg, the Confederate authorities, 
by hook or by crook, contrived to find meat. 

Of the way in which the civilian population fared, a 
Eichmond lady says, writing of the summer of 1864: — 
^ ^Ve had never known such a scarcity of food — such 
absolute want of the necessaries of life. The constant 
interruption to our means of transportation prevented the 
importation of the usual supplies ; and the hucksters from 
the adjoining counties dared not attempt to bring in their 
productions to Eichmond, for fear of capture or other 
misfortune. Our markets presented a most impoverished 
aspect. A few stalls at which was sold poor beef, and 
some at which a few potatoes and other vegetables 
were placed for sale, were about all that were opened 
in the Eichmond markets. Our usual supplies of fish 
were cut off by the lines occupied by the enemy, and, 
as a general rule, a Eichmond dinner at this time con- 
sisted of dried Indian peas, rice and salt bacon, and corn 
bread.' 

If the Confederate Government (and the Eiclnnond 
newspaper editors) could keep the mass of their people in 
ignorance of the great depth of exhaustion to which the 
Confederacy was now descending, they could not do what 
was more important — prevent its being perceived by the 
enemy. The knowledge of the growing weakness of the 
South had latterly been most powerful in nerving the 
North to undiminished persistency and redoubled energy. 
Little facts kno^vn to individuals, quickly aiDphed by 
Yankee intuition, were disseminated, by letters home, 
among Xorthern citizens. Letters from captives, or re- 
ports by luckily released men, gave here and there cer- 
tain instances proving the privation that existed in various 



Ch. VIII. 



LETTER OE GENERAL GRANT. 



255 



parts of the South, and the scant reserves of white men 
able to bear arms in its interior. 

None knew this better than General Grant, who at 
this juncture wrote a remarkable letter, addressed to the 
Hon. Mr. Washbourne, of Illinois, but intended for citi- 
zens of the Union at large, to whom, of course, it speedily 
arrived by its communication to the newspapers. It ran 
as follows : — 

' Head-quarters, Army of tlie United States, 
' City Point, Virginia, Axigust 16, 1864. 

' Dear Sir, — I state to all citizens who visit me that all 
we want now to insure an early restoration of the Union 
is a determined unity of sentiment North. 

^ The Rebels have now in their ranks their last man. 
The little boys and old men are guarding prisoners, 
guarding railroad bridges, and forming a good part of the 
garrisons on entrenched positions. A man lost by them 
cannot be replaced. They have robbed the cradle and 
the grave equally to get their present force. Besides 
what they lose in frequent skirmishes and battles, they 
are now losing from desertions and other causes at least 
one regiment per day. With this drain upon them, the 
end is not far distant, if we will only be true to our- 
selves. Their only hope now is in a divided North. 
This might give them reinforcements from Tennessee, 
Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri, while it would 
weaken us. With the draft quietly enforced, the enemy 
would become despondent, and would make but little 
resistance. 

'I have no doubt but the enemy are exceedingly 
anxious to hold out until after the presidential election. 
They have many hopes from its effects. They hope a 
counter revolution. They hope the election of the peace 
candidate. In fact, like Micawber, they hope for some- 



256 aPv ANT'S CA31PAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VIII. 



tiling to turn up." It would be but the beginning of 
war, with thousands of Northern men joining the Souths 
because of our disgrace in allo^\dng separation. To have 
" peace on any terms," the South would demand the re- 
storation of their slaves already freed ; they would demand 
indemnity for losses sustained, and they Avould demand a 
treaty which would make the Xorth slave-hunters for the 
South ; they would demand pay for, or the restoration of, 
every slave escaped to the Xorth. 

^ Yours truly, 

' U. S. Graxt.' 

The Xorth was now, as the allusions in General Grant's 
letter reveal, in the throes of two peaceful convulsions — 
an election and a draft, or rather the preliminaries thereof, 
for in August merely active canvassing and active recruit- 
ino- were o^oins; on. . The draft this year had been altered 
by law, so that nothing but a substitute could be offered 
for a drawn man — not as before, 300 dollars commuta- 
tion. In both draft and election just sufficient difficulties 
existed to cause the Government to keep its attention 
fixed on them. The epistle of General Grant had indeed 
partly for its object to give support to the administration 
and a stimulant to recruiting. It was an accurate state- 
ment of the case, however. The sequel proved how true 
was Grant in thus probing the exhaustion of the South.* 

* It must not be taken in a too strong sense, however, this exhaustion 
of the South. Numbers of poor Yt'hites were now undemonstrativelj giving 
lip their cause, and either skulking and hiding from the conscription or 
actually deserting from the armies. In the mountain districts of North 
C^Jarolina there were bands of Southerners, either real loyalists, or simply 
evaders of the conscription, who defied the Confederate Government, and 
occasionally had little fights with Confederate soldiers. And, specially to 
be noticed, some few of the aristocratical class of the Southern population 
kept from fighting by using their influence or wealth. Some ' fire-eaters,' 
who had brought on secession, shrank from fighting for it. 



Ch. Tin. 



THE PEESIDEXTLIL ELECTION, lS6i. 



257 



But Mr. Lincoln's re-election was almost a foreo'one 
conclusion. His opponent was no other than General 
M'Clellan^ the old commander of the Armv of the Poto- 
mac^ who had now for two years — since we last men- 
tioned him in our introduction — been ^vitlidrawn from 
active army employment. The ' Democratic ' faction, 
whose candidate he was, comprised tAvo parties, with dif- 
ferent sympathies, if not different policies. First, the ITar 
Democrats, who wished — or most of them — for the con- 
tinuance of the war till the Union should be restored, 
unless that could be effected by peaceable means; but who 
were hostile to the administration, and cared not a jot 
for the emancipation of the negroes. Second, the Peace 
Democrats, or Copperheads,* who insidiously clamoured 
for cessation of war and negotiations for peace, and were 
really Southern sympathisers, and not Unionists at all. 
This latter section was not large, and was composed chleily 
of men in the middle or upper rank of life, who, inhabit- 
ants of the Xorthern States, had from the first been 
recreants to the Union, but icJio recti vcd }io accessions to 
their ranks. The bulk of the citizens of the Xorth were 
actuated by sentiments concisely expressed by a homely 
dictum of Mr. Lincoln, in reply to a deputation which 
called to congratulate him on his re-nomination (June 10) 
— ^ It was not well to swap horses when crossing streams.' 
Abraham Lincoln and his cabinet had been carrying out 
the people's policy all through their term of office. Great 
as had been the failure on several occasions, greater still 
had been the zeal and diligence in repairing the results of 
defeat, and renewing the attack. At last, too, the masses 
had rallied to a belief in and liking for the President's 
emancipation policy — that grand result of the war. AA'ith 

* This forcible party appellation, it -^ill be well to notice here, is derived 
from the name of a species of serpent, the • copperhead.' 

S 



258 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. YIII. 



respect to that measure, Mr. Lincoln had, in the month of 
August, made a declaration both of his unalterable adher- 
ence to it, and of his continued belief that it was a wise 
step, considered merely as a measure for restoring the 
Union. Its relation will justify the brief digression made 
here from the operations before Petersburg. 

A certain Judge Mills (of Wisconsin) liad called upon 
the President, and the conversation which followed was 
one of those asides, to be heard of all men, which have 
lono' formed an established usao^e of American statesman- 
ship. Mr. Lincoln spoke of the coming election, and his 
candidature for filling his office a second time. ' I don't 
think it is personal vanity or ambition, though I am not 
free from those infirmities ; but I cannot but feel that the 
weal or woe of this great nation will be decided in 
!N^ovember. There is no programme offered by any wing 
of the Democratic party but must result in the permanent 
destruction of the Union.' On this Judge Mills remarked, 
tentatively, "that M'Clellan, accepted as candidate by the 
Democrats, had announced himself in favour of continu- 
ing the war, if the South would not be persuaded by 
negotiations to re-enter the Union. ' Sir,' said the 
President, 'the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will 
prove to any man that the Rebel armies cannot be de- 
stroyed by Democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the 
white men of the I^orth to do it. There are now in the 
service of the United States near 200,000 able-bodied 
coloured men, m.ost of them under arms, defending and 
acquiring Union territory. The Democratic strategy 
demands that these forces be disbanded, and that the 
masters be conciliated by restoring them to slavery. The 
black men who now assist Union prisoners to escape are 
to be converted into our enemies, in the vain hope of 
gaining the good will of their masters. We shall have 



Ch. VIII. 



LINCOLN'S POLICY AND FAITH. 



259 



two nations to figlit instead of one. You cannot conciliate 
the South if you guarantee to them ultimate success ; and 
the experience of the present war proves their success is 
inevitable if you fling the compulsory labour of millions 
of black men into their side of the scale. Will you give 
our enemies such military advantages as ensure success, 
and then depend on coaxing, flattery, and concession, to 
get them back into the Union ? Abandon all the posts 
now garrisoned by black men, take 200,000 men from our 
side, and put them in the battle-field or corn-field against 
us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war in 
three weeks. We have to hold territory in inclement 
and sickly places ; where are the Democrats to do this ? 
It was a free fight, and the field was open to the War 
Democrats to put down the rebellion by fighting against 
both master and slave, long before the present policy was 
inaugurated. There have been men base enough to pro- 
pose to me to return to slavery the black warriors of Port 
Hudson and Olustee, and thus win the respect of the 
masters they fought. Should I do so, I should deserve to 
be damned in time and eternity.' * 

The two armies of Grant and Lee lay quiet for some 
time after August 23. The Federals suspected that some 
general or partial attack would be made by Lee, but 
none such took place. The only event to be mentioned 
for a fortnight is the appointment of a chief of cavalry in 
Lee's army — the post, it would seem, not having been 
filled since Stuart's death. Wade Hampton was the 
officer selected by General Lee, and the choice was excel- 

* Grant Count?/ (Wisconsin) Herald. The battle of Olustee has not, I 
think, been mentioned hitherto in this book. It took place m March ] 864, 
in an invasion of Florida, said to have been made at the instance of Mr. 
Lincoln himself. The Federals, of whom a great portion were 'coloured.' 
were commanded by G-eneral Seymoui-, and suffered complete defeat at the 
hands of General Beaiiregard. 

S 2 



260 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VIII. 



lent. General Hampton was a rich South Carolinian 
planter, of good family ; the grandson of a revolutionary 
officer of the same christian and surname, who specially 
distinguished himself in the little battle of Eutaw (1781). 
The gentleman we have to do with had developed rare 
talents as a cavalry leader, both of execution and judg- 
ment. He was a man of great physical strei;igth and a 
good natural understanding, prompt in planning move- 
ments, and ready-witted in carrying them out. He also 
j)ossessed a singular faculty of woodcraft, which training 
and all the habits of his life had developed, but which 
was so peculiar that it seemed as if it was part of his 
nature. Whatever locality he might pass through in the 
most cursory manner, or by the most confusing chance, 
he instantly became acquainted with all its features, inso- 
much that it was said of him that, blindfolded and carried 
thirty miles into a forest entirely new to him, he would 
find out where he was five minutes after the bandage was 
removed. Wherever his camp was pitched, if only for a 
day, he made himself master of all the roads, bye-roads, 
and ^ hog-paths ' in its neighbourhood. Besides all this, 
he was a splendid horseman and fond of his steed, a good 
swordsman, and an excellent shot.* 

In the middle of September this cavalry Crichton sig- 
nalised himself by an exploit most brilliant and service- 
able for the Confederates, most annoying for the Federals. 
General Grant had left the Federal camp on the 14th, to 
visit Sheridan's army in the Shenandoah. He left with 
a most important purpose, the fulfilment of which will 
occupy a future chapter, whilst it is well just to chronicle 
the fact here. The Lieutenant- General's presence or 
absence, however, had no influence on the design of 
the Confederate cavalry leader. This was nothing less 

* Eickmond Dispatch. 



Ch. VIII. 



GENERAL HAMPTON. 



261 



than a dash to the rear of the enemy's camp, in the 
old Confederate style of 1862. At Coggin's Point, 
eight miles beloAV City Point, opposite Harrison's 
Landing (j\PClellan's old camp), were kept the Federal 
cattle supplies. They were driven or landed there, 
and ke2)t at pasture for convenient despatch to the 
camp. The position was full twenty miles away from the 
nearest Confederate post (Ream's Station), but the cattle 
were a most tempting inducement to daring. In the 
small hours of the 16th Wade Hampton conducted his 
forces (from 5,000 to 6,000 cavalry) all round the rear of 
Grant's camp, and at daylight suddenly presented himself 
at the cattle-pens. Only a small force (one regiment of 
cavalry) was guarding them ; it was quickly overpowered. 
The cattle were then deftly collected, numbering nearly 
2,500, and the Confederates refaced and made the sharpest 
tracks they could. They were safe. The raid had been 
quite unlooked for, sad delay occurred in starting pur- 
suit from the camp, and Hampton had made too good 
speed to be caught up. The spoil was run into the Con- 
federate lines three miles below Ream's Station, amid 
much rejoicing and congratulation. Beef cattle 2,485, 
horses and mules 150, several waggons, and 100 prisoners 
formed the total gains of Wade Hampton's brilliant raid. 
He had furnished Lee's army with beef rations for five or 
six weeks.* 

The drawback to satisfaction was, that it was impossible 
to repeat the process. Sufficient precautions were taken 
henceforth for the security of the Federal supplies. There 
was nothing more for Wade Hampton to do for some 
time. His large and efficient force was of but little use 
in Lee's army. General Lee seems to have committed a 
serious error in retaining his cavalry force inactive at 

* New York Herald, Times, Tribune, Daily News. 



262 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. VIII. 



this epoch. The cavalry under the command of Wade 
Hampton at this time outnumbered the cavaby in Grant's 
camp. Lee should have before this detached the greater 
portion, if not all of Hampton's troops to the Shenandoah, 
where they would have been of incalculable value, as we 
shall presently see. Thither Grant had sent the best 
divisions of his cavalry, so as to bring down the body he 
retained to, for him, strangely low numbers. 

(September 16.) Exactly three months had passed 
away from the first sitting down before Petersburg. The 
attacks, as we have seen, had not been stinted. Critics 
said of this early portion of the investment, that Grant 
was ' butting his brains out ' against Richmond and 
Petersburg. But the metaphorical head and body 
camped about City Point showed small sign of material 
injury. Confederate officers sighed as they gazed on the 
massive fortifications in their front, which never receded, 
and thought of the strong multitude behind them, whose 
numbers no repulses diminished. Not one sally in force 
had Lee ventured. He dared not measure strens^th in a 
general attack, or rather he dared not run the risk of con- 
siderable losses without great certain gains ; the lives of 
his men, on arithmetical grounds, were becoming so im- 
portant to him. 

Thinking of these things, sagacious Unionists came to 
the same conclusion with Abraham Lincoln. They were 
not deceiving themselves. Their long struggles were not 
in vain. The blood and treasure they and their sons had 
lavished were working out the grand result. Grant ivas 
in a position whence he would never be dislodged until 
Richmond should be taken. 



Ch. IX. 



OENEKAL SHERMAN. 



2G3 



CHAPTER IX. 

MARCH OF GENERAL SHERMAN FROM CHATTANOOGA TO ATLANTA, AND FROM 
ATLANTA TO THE SEA. 

After watching for the third of a year the ebb and flow 
of invasion and defence over the war-worn plains and 
valleys of Virginia, we suddenly descend, by a vast flight, 
in a new and strange region, where striking changes in 
natural architecture attest the distance we have traversed, 
but where two blue and grey-coated armies are confront- 
ing each other as fiercely as on the stage we have left 
behind. Confederate legions are slowly retreating, skir- 
mishing and manoeuvring at every tenable position, re- 
luctantly inch by inch drawing back. A Federal host is 
pointing due south, and steadily bearing the flag of the 
Union across rivers, along ridges, up steep mountains 
tangled ail over with pines, down ravines, through wild 
and gloomy gorges, into a land redolent with fragrance ; 
the fields red with corn, the soil ever richer, the breeze 
more balmy, as the troops advance ; till the end of the hills 
comes at last, and the magnificent cotton-fields stretch far 
away towards the Atlantic. 

This is Georgia, broadest and fairest (save Virginia) of 
the Southern States, become by its position the key-stone 
of the East Mississippi Confederacy — long shielded from 
the buffet of war by the fellowship of Tennessee— at last 
aroused to the stern pressure of invasion. The Federal 
army is that of General Sherman, which has fought and 
marched for three months ; blockaded and fought for 



264 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICH3I0ND. Ch. IX. 



another ; and, for the result, has gotten possession of 
Atlanta, the military key to the whole of Georgia (Sep- 
tember 2). This campaign must be traced and explained 
at large, for it was an integral part of General Grant's 
arrangement of the war ; whilst the genius of the remark- 
able man at its head rendered it, by its prolongation, the 
most famous movement of the whole four years of fighting. 

During the two years (1862 and 1863) that Grant was 
winning his way to the generalship-in-chief, gradually 
growing into a great commander, a number of able officers 
were associated with him as assistants, or, as all became 
ultimately, subordinates. They held by him as their 
steadiest guide, learnt soldiership from his habits, caught 
sparks of generalship from the flame of his genius, and 
occasionally lighted him with theirs. He gradually reared, 
as he termed it, ^ a military family,' of which all the 
members were bound to him by instruction and example. 
They learnt how to win victor}^ under him ; their names 
became known as he achieved success. Promotion and 
commands suited to their abilities fell on them, when he 
became Lieutenant-General. He had gauged the capa- 
city of each. Some he retained as executive officers under 
himself ; others he left in the West, in more independent 
service. 

Foremost man of Grant's military family was General 
Sherman ; now so well developed, that his relations to 
Grant were like those of America to England — eldest 
son, but independent genius. The public at large did not 
as yet appreciate him properly ; but General Grant quietly 
expressed his belief that Sherman was, mentally, ^ a head 
and shoulders taller than any other general in the service 
and when he took the field with the Army of the Potomac, 
Sherman was appointed to conduct the invasion of Georgia. 
A perfect harmony existed between the two generals. 



Ch. IX. 



GRANT AND SHERMAN. 



265 



Sherman felt no envy of Grant's supreme promotion ; 
Grant entertained no jealousy of Sherman's steadily rising 
fame. They were men of the same State^ of the same 
religion, and had been at West Point together for two 
years. They had both served in the United States army 
up to the year 1854, and after that had both for a time 
engaged in civil pursuits. 

The features of both showed the hard-headed American 
of the West. In iron will, and in patience. Grant some- 
what surpassed his subordinate ; but in everything else 
Sherman's seems the more strongly marked character. He 
was not reticent, like Grant, but could dispute or make 
speeches by the hour. His oratory was robust and forcible 
in the highest degree ; and, when moved, the working of 
his features attested the vehemence of his feelings. He 
had sufficient book knoAvledge to polish his style, and 
would frequently bring in literary allusions in the letters 
he wrote on public matters ; whilst here and there flashed 
out keen proverbial sayings or home truths, entirely his 
own, with the most telling effect. His nature was so 
fervent, his manner at times so eccentric, that many per- 
sons set him down as insane. But his soldiers did not 
think so. His darino^ courao-e was of itself sufficient to 
give him popularity among them. At Pittsburg Land- 
ing he had been in the fiercest of the fight; had three 
horses killed under him ; was painfully wounded, yet kept 
on the front all day. 

The services of General Sherman during 1863 have 
been incidentally alluded to in the narrative of Grant's 
Vicksburg snd Chattanooga Campaigns (Chapter III). 
The course of his life before the war had been variegated, 
and must be briefly passed in review. 

William Tecumseh Sherman was born at Lancaster, 
Ohio, on the 8th February 1820. At the age of nine 



26<5 GBAXT'S CA3IPAIGX AGAINST EICHMOXU. Ch. IX. 



years he lost his father, the Hon. Charles R. Sherman, 
Judge of the State Supreme Court."^ An intimate friend 
of his father, the Hon. Thomas Ewing, then took to the 
young ^ Tecumseh ' (one of a family of eleven children) , 
and brought him up in his own family. Mr. Ewing's 
daughter afterwards became Sherman's wife. A somewhat 
pugnacious disposition having developed itself in his 
adopted boy, induced Mr. Ewing to procm-e him a nomi- 
nation to West Point, which he entered in 1836, at the 
age of sixteen. The course of his studies there need not 
be dilated on ; suffice it to say that his progress was 
unexceptionable, and that he graduated, in 1840, sixth in 
a class of forty-two members. The number of the fellow- 
students of Sherman in his cadetship who afterwards 
fought ^vith, or in opposition to hun, is very great. It was 
just the ej^och in which most of the distinguished generals 
of the Civil AVar received their training. Ulysses Grant 
entered the Academy in the year in which Sherman went 
out. Sherman was two years the senior uf the future 
Lieut enant-G eneral. 

Some letters written by ^ Tecumseh ' f about this period 
of his life have been preserved, and in the thoughts ex- 
pressed in them, and the diction, can plainly be traced the 

* The English ancestry of General Sherman can be distinctly traced to a 
family of old residing in Dedham, Essex, whence his progenitor, Samuel 
Sherman, emigrated to Massachusetts in 1634. The descendants of Samuel 
Sherman lived in Xew England down to the latter part of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, then moved west to the location which afterwards became known as 
Lancaster, Ohio. Sherman's father was born there, Sherman's mother had 
been a Miss Hoyt before marriage. 

t Tecumseh was the name of a famous Indian chief of the "West in the 
beginning of the present century. Chief of the powerful tribe of the Shaw- 
nees, this extraordinarily able savage headed the last grand effort of the red 
men to stem the tide of pale-face encroachment east of the Mississippi. 
Tecumseh combined the roles of warrior and prophet. ISI'ow (1867) a similar 
last effort to his seems to be making, of course with like fruitlessness, by 
the tribes of Sioux east of the Eocky Mountains. 



Ch. IX. 



SHERMAN AT WEST POINT. 



267 



hardy and nervous genius which was not to come to the 
notice of all men till the great Civil War should give it its 
full development. 

On leaving West Pointy, in 1840, Sherman received the 
appointment of second lieutenant of artillery in the 3rd 
United States Regiment. In 1841 he rose to first lieu- 
tenant, and then began to see active service in the ^ war ' 
to subdue the Indians of Florida. When this closed, he 
was for some time stationed in garrison at Fort Moultrie, 
in Charleston Harbour. From 1846 to 1850 he filled the 
post of assistant-adjutant-general in California. Sher- 
man, therefore, did not see any of the fighting of the 
Mexican War, in which so many of his subsequent col- 
leagues or opponents served their apprenticeship. He re- 
ceived the thanks of Congress, however, for meritorious 
services at his post. 

In 1850 Sherman married Miss Ewing. The nuptial 
ceremony took place at Washington. On duty again, he 
was for some time at St. Louis, and afterwards at i^ew 
Orleans. In the autumn of 1853 the United States 
being at peace with all the world, Sherman, like Grant and 
many other army ofiicers, resigned his commission, fancy- 
ing he could achieve something in civil pursuits. He went 
to California, and there became manager, or, as the Ame- 
ricans say, * president,' of the banking-house of Messrs. 
Lucas, Turner and Company, at San Francisco. In this 
position he stayed for four years. A circumstance arising 
from it exhibits Sherman not simply as a man of the 
strictest integrity, but of the greatest generosity of cha- 
racter rather. Many of his old friends still remaining in 
the army — Hardee and other ofiicers — had remitted to 
him sums of money for investment in the various promis- 
ing undertakings then existing in California. In the 
great monetary panic and crash of 1857 most of the 



268 GRA^'T'S CA3rPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



securities Sherman had put these moneys into became 
worthless. He took all this loss upon himself, reimburs- 
ing his friends the amounts they had originally invested, 
thous^h not under the slig^htest leo-al or moral oblis^ation 
to do so.* 

The four years in which Sherman resided at San Fran- 
cisco were times in which great lawlessness and ruffianism 
prevailed among the motley adventurous population of 
that cit}^ — such as had prevailed from its first foundation 
in the gold mania, and such as even yet to some extent 
characterise it. In 1856 the state of aflTairs was very bad. 
Robberies and murders were committed in open daylight 
in the streets ; the appointed preservers of justice were 
quite inefficient to maintain order. The well-disposed 
citizens, therefore, took the law into their own hands in 
various ways, to make head against the bands of desperate 
vagabonds abounding. They fomied a ^ Vigilance Com- 
mittee,' which, sustained by thousands of citizens, took 
upon itself the task unexecuted by the constitutional 
authorities. Much semi-military organisation was neces- 
sary on various occasions, and Sherman, the ex-officer, 
seems to have lent his aid to good purpose in the arduous 
work of repressing San Francisco ruffianism. 

But Sherman had now a wife and two or three chil- 
dren, and residence in such a city must have been very 
unpleasant to him. When, therefore, about September 
1857, he was addressed by various influential persons of 
Louisiana, with the offer of the Presidency of the State 
Military Academy, he accepted the post with great 
pleasure, both because it would take him back to the east 
side of the Rocky Mountains, where he would be not so 
very far from his father-in-law, Mr. Ewing — still living in 

* Nichols, Story of the Great March (London, 1865). 



Ch. IX. SHERMAN AND THE SOUTHEENERS. 269 

Ohio — and because, as he himself tells us, and as -vve 
might easily guess, ^ he had the old army so ground in his 
composition that civil pursuits were too tame for him.' 

From the spring of 1858 to March 1861 Sherman 
was President of the Louisiana Military Academy, living 
at Alexandria, on the Red River, and receiving a salary 
of 5,000 dollars. He was thus in a somewhat peculiar 
position when the presidential election came on in 1 8 6 0. He 
had got to entertain a hearty liking for the Southerners 
amongst whom he was living, and, not having troubled 
his head greatly about politics, it was not till 1860 that 
he became suddenly aware that the aristocratical leaders 
of Southern society were cherishing deep and fiery pro- 
jects of secession. The idea struck Sherman with horror, 
and he promptly attempted, by his personal influence, to 
dissuade all those he knew from such a course, urging, 
vainly, the utter lack of cause for it.^ 

Soon, with his ardent nature roused by the absorbing 
influence of patriotism, Sherman saw ample cause given 
for coercion to be brought to bear on the South by the 
United States Government. Directly Louisiana seceded 
(January 26, 1861), he sent in to the State authorities 
his resignation of his post, with the intention of proceed- 
ing north, to devote his sword to aid in the preservation 
of the old United States. 

* ' I was in Louisiana, and while the planters and mechanics and indus- 
trial people were happy and prosperous, the politicians and busy-bodies were 
scheming and plotting, and got the legislature to pass an ordinance of seces- 
sion, which was submitted to the people, who voted against it. Yet the 
politicians Toted the State out, and proceeded to take possession of the 
United States Mint, the forts, the arsenal, and tore down an old flag and 
insulted it. That, too, before Mr. Lincoln had got to Washington. I saw 
this, and begged Bragg and Beauregard, and Governor Moore, and a host of 
personal friends, to beware. In that was high treason. But they answered, 
' The North was made up of mean manufacturers, of traders, of farmers, who 
would not fight.' — Letter of General Shei-man to Mr. D. M. Martin, August 
10, 1864. Huntsvillc Advocate, August 31, 1865. 



270 GRAFT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



Slierman, it must here be mentioned, possessed not that 
sense of the iniquity of slavery which gave to many of 
the Federal officers a doubly good basis for religious con- 
fidence in their cause. He cannot even be ranked at 
this stage of his career with that excellent class of miti- 
gated abolitionists of whom Abraham Lincoln was the 
type — men who fervently wished and prayed that slavery 
might cease, but who could not see their way to abolish 
it vdiile the South respected the Union. Strange to add, 
however, his brother, Senator John Sherman, distinguished 
before 1861, was a zealous abolitionist. On leaving 
Louisiana, Sherman repaired to St. Louis, where he re- 
sided for the brief space of time remaining to the firing 
on Fort Sumter (April 12, 1861). Immediately that 
event announced the real advent of civil war, we find him 
in Washington, simultaneously with many other officers, 
offering his services to the President. A commission, 
dated May 14, 1861, appointed him colonel of the 13th 
United States Infantry (a newly raised regiment), of 
which he assumed command in June. 

Grant's opening career lay wholly in the West, among 
the most petty commencements of the war. Sherman's 
takes us back to the great event of our first pages — the 
battle of Bull Run (July 21, 1861). Sherman's brigade 
was among the Northern host whose aspirations met such 
a bitter check in that battle. The rout of M'Dowell's 
army, however, disastrous and disgraceful as it was, might 
have been worse but for Sherman. Sherman had led his 
brigade shrewdly and successfully in the hours before the 
panic ; vv^hen that took place, he saved the shattered rem- 
nant of it (for his loss was very severe), and contributed 
towards the saving of other portions of the army. 

In the latter days of J uly Sherman received the com- 
mission of major-general of volunteers. From that time 



Ch. IX. 



GENEEAL SHEEMAK, 186L 



571 



till ^November he was in command, at first secondanly, 
latterly as cliief of the department of the Cumberland — 
which practically meant a small portion of Kentucky. 
The Confederates at that time held Tennessee fully, and 
Kentucky partially. Sherman had not long held his com- 
mand when he became the object of great animosity to a 
number of persons of various condition and importance. 
With the newspaper correspondents he became very un- 
popular, as he excluded them from his camps, believing 
that their unguarded letters gave undue knowledge of 
movements and forces to the enemy. On this account he 
was systematically decried by many of them, and by some 
called a maniac. These courtesies struck back, and for a 
long time after newspaper correspondents ivere very un- 
popular with Sherman. 

During this period the opinions of various generals 
being taken by the Federal Government as to the best 
means of wresting from the Kebels the course of the Mis- 
sissippi, Sherman roundly averred that in his belief fully 
200,000 men would be wanted to effect it. This opinion 
was seized on by critics, and pronounced a preposterous 
and insane exaggeration of the force really necessary for 
that purpose. The course of the war afterwards pretty 
well justified it. Regarded with disfavour in several 
quarters, Major-General Sherman tendered the resigna- 
tion of his command. It was accepted, and as he asked 
for an appointment of less responsibility, he was ordered 
to another field of operations. This change, happily for 
all concerned, resulted in bringing him into Grant's ' mili- 
tary family.' He fulfilled the important duty of organis- 
ing and forwarding reinforcements and stores during 
Grant's reduction of Fort Donelson, and he became a 
division commander under Grant, by that general's spe- 
cial request to the authorities, when he m.oved on to 



272 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



Pittsburg Landing. In all the important operations of 
Grant, Sherman bore a part, and the continually enlarg- 
ing ability which he showed before Vicksburg, at Chat- 
tanooga, and in two long marches, with his corps under 
his sole care, through Mississippi and Alabama, led the 
chief to give him in 1864 the most important position in 
the United States army under his own. 

In concluding this sketch of the character and career 
of General Sherman, there only remains his personal ap- 
pearance to be delineated. He was very nearly six feet 
high, his frame muscular, though somewhat lean ; liis con- 
stitution, as it seemed, one of iron. His face was of the 
true North American type, showing the English descent, 
yet with every feature modified, as the great continent 
does modify all the sons of those who come from the little 
island. His complexion was blonde, though sufficiently 
weather-beaten ; his hair light ; his eyes light blue, bright 
and quick, and gleaming very fiercely in his fits of anger. 
He was a great smoker, and in mentioning this fact some 
observers say that his was just the temperament on which 
the use of tobacco has a bad effect — whence some of the 
excitement in his nature. He was by no means averse to 
spirituous refreshment either, but in that never to excess. 
He was, like Grant, careless of his personal attue ; wore 
a dingy uniform on campaign, and never buttoned up his 
tunic to the chin. His huge prominent forehead was the 
feature which most impressed observers, when his acquire- 
ment of fame made people begin to observe him. 

Such was General Sherman, to whom Grant gave the 
command of the main army of the West, at Chattanooga, 
when he got ready himself to conduct the campaign for 
the capture of Richmond. The year 1864 concentrated 
all power of initiation on these two generals. Grant's 
and Sherman's hosts were the two strong arms of the 



Ch. IX. 



SHEEMAN'S AEI^IY. 



273 



North, in wliich all her strength was gathered and 
quickened. 

Sherman had under him three armies rolled into one. 
The Western States possessed at last a combined host, fit 
to be compared in proportions to that which the Eastern 
had long boasted of in the Army of the Potomac. The 
Army cf the Cumberland, the Army of the Tennessee, 
and the Army of the Ohio, to be known henceforth, col- 
lectively, as ^ Sherman's Army,' exhibited a total strength 
of 98,797 men, and 254 guns. The generals of armies 
and the generals of corps would make a long list. Fore- 
most of all was General Thomas, distinguished for skill 
and valour from the first year of the war, when he gained 
the victory of Mill Spring, Kentucky. Then there were 
Schofield, M'Pherson, Palmer, Logan, Blair, Davis, Corse, 
Osterhaus, Harker, and M'Cook, all reared under Grant ; 
whilst a sprinkling of generals from the Army of the 
Potomac gave diversity both to the State characteristics 
and the military experience of the group. These Eastern 
generals were Hooker and Howard, infantry corps com- 
manders, and Kilpatrick, a young man of eight-and- 
twenty, who had gained so good a reputation as a light- 
horse officer that Grant sent him to Sherman to become 
the head of his cavalry. 

On May 6, when the horrible contest in the Wilder- 
ness was going on in Virginia, Sherman began moving 
forward into Georgia, and all through the month his men 
were taking steps south, hour by hour, with those of the 
Army of the Potomac, which we followed in chapters IV. 
and V. The railroad from Chattanooga south to Atlanta 
was the line of march, and the important central city of 
Atlanta the goal, distant about 140 miles from Sherman's 
starting-point. Between lay a mountainous and woody 
country, and several broad rivers. The Confederate 

T 



274 



GEAXrS CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOND. 



Ch. IX. 



army defending Georgia lay in front of Dalton, about 
thirty miles south of Chattanooga. It numbered rather 
more than 50,000 men. The proportion of cavalry 
was very large, numbering about 10,000. Though the 
men came not quite level in the aggregate with the 
splendid muscular standard of Lee's soldiers, they were 
all of serviceable strength, and many of them full of en- 
thusiasm. It is probable, too, that they were better and 
more evenly fed than were the Virginians at this epoch. 
The Confederate o-eneral was a man of mature ao'e and 
experience, but who had already become noted for one 
peculiar trait — that in his various commands he had pur- 
sued a policy of gradually falling back ; and, save at Bull 
Run (where Beauregard was his colleague), he had never 
been the victor in a general eno-as^ement. Comments 
both adverse and laudatory had already been made on his 
policy, those of the latter description being based on the 
theory that it was pursued in order to draw the enemy 
into a trap. On the campaign about to be narrated, 
this discussion has been renewed, conflictino; aro-uments 
being given by eminent military critics. I shall forbear to 
pronounce any judgment on the merits of the Confede- 
rate commander's defensive policy, and shall merely 
remark that the courage in the field was eminent, and the 
method in the movements (even if mistaken) apparent, of 
General Johnston.^ 

Sherman's first operation against this antagonist was 
not an easy one, though its circumstances were as different 

* American fondness for nicknames found its mark in his Christian names 
of ' Joseph Eggleson ' and he was commonly styled in the newspapers 
' Greneral Joe Johnston.' Here I may caution the student of American 
History. Johnson, Johnston, and Johnstone, taken as one name, was the 
most common of the public names of the American "War. Care must there- 
fore be taken not to confuse with each other the many gentlemen of this 
pame. 



Ch. IX. 



BATTLE OF KESACA. 



275 



from those of Grant's opening movement as the features 
of the country were from those of Virginia. Johnston 
at first seemed inclined neither to fight nor to retreat. 
The mountainous district the two armies were in was ex- 
cellent for defensive operations. For several days Sher^ 
man was engaged in manoeuvring over a very extensive 
area round Dalton. He began by moving his right 
wing, under M^Pherson, past the enemy's position, while 
his main body, under Thomas, threatened it in front, and 
Schofield, with, the left wing, made a feint of bearing 
down on it from the north-east. But the bulk of 
Schofield's body was brought round, and, by joining it on 
to Mcpherson's, the latter was enabled to plant himself 
on the railroad, just beyond Resaca, fifteen miles south of 
Johnston's army. With this force in his rear, the Con- 
federate general was obliged to give up Dalton. Resaca 
was fortified, and he made a stand there for a few days. 
Sherman at once attacked him, and in the afternoon 
of the loth, after a heavy fight the day before, John- 
ston's position was made so precarious by Sherman's 
adroit dispositions, that he evacuated it during the night, 
and moved oif forty-five miles south, Avhere an excellent 
defensive situation was ready for him in the Aliatoona 
range of hills. Sherman came on in his trail, but 
stopped at Kingston on the 19th, to rest and re-organise 
his men. 

Resaca, the first battle of the march, was desperately 
fought ; and although the carnage exhibited no such 
awful proportions as the combats just over in Virginia 
( Spottsylvania, May 5 to 12, Chapter IV.), abundant acts 
of gallantry distinguished it, especially on the part of the 
Federals, who were the attackers. Four of their generals 
were wounded ; among them Kilpatrick, who was shot 
in the foot. They captured nearly 3,000 prisoners, by 



276 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Cs. IX, 



which Johnston's loss was made up to 4,500, while their 
own was about the same, being 4,000 killed and wounded, 
and 400 missing. 

On the 18th, while Sherman's main body was resting 
at Kingston, a detachment under General Davis took 
possession of Kome, twenty miles to the west. Eight 
heavy pieces of artillery, forts in good order, and exten- 
sive mills and foundries, here fell into the hands of the 
Federals, and Sherman directed the place to be garrisoned 
and held as an important rear position. As he marched 
on. General Sherman took care to provide for the safety 
of the bridges which he successively arrived at and left 
behind. He was advancing almost literally upon the 
track of the railroad which runs from Chattanooga to 
Atlanta. This line was of the utmost importance to him, 
as provisions, clothing, and needful stores of all descrip- 
tions were coming by it all the while from the vast accu- 
mulation of supplies at Chattanooga. Every night, as 
the army progressed, the whistle of the locomotive was 
heard in the rear, bringing up its supplies. Nevertheless, 
raids upon the track, at a safe distance to the rear of 
Sherman's main body, were to be apprehended ; and 
several weak points existed in the crossings of the nu- 
merous rivers, some of which were already passed, and 
the most important of which, the Etowah, was now just 
reached. Damage done to the road could be repaired in 
a few hours, by the excellent engineer corps accompany- 
ing the army. To secure the bridges. General Sherman 
caused to be built at the head of each one a bombproof 
fortress, or blockhouse, which was provisioned for a long 
time, and garrisoned by three or four hundred men, with 
a few pieces of artillery.^ 

On the 23rd Sherman's army was again in motion. 

* Letter of Captain Churcliill, 38th Illinois Regiment, J. T. Headley, 
Grant and Sherman (New York, 1865). Grant" s Beport. 



Ch. IX. 



SHEEMAX'S EXaiNEEE COEPS. 



277 



Johnston had left two bridges perfectly available for the 
passage of the river Etowah ; the railway briclge only had 
been destroyed. The Confederate general had contem- 
plated making a stand at the Etowah. Suddenly chang- 
ing his mind, however, on finding the opinion adverse to 
it of two out of his three corps commanders — Polk, Hood, 
and Haixlee (the two first) — he had not then time left to 
break down two brido;es. 

Sherman, therefore, got his army across at the two 
brido-es, leavino; the ino-enious and indefatio;able eno-ineer 
officer, Colonel 1V« AY. AYright, to reconstruct the rail- 
way bridge. This was accomplished in the astonishingly 
short time of six days — the bridge being 1,200 feet long 
and 95 feet hio-h. 

o 

Whilst Sherman was careful in the highest degree ot 
liis army, getting out of it all the celerity possible, but 
yet giving it rest whenever practicable at fit spots, he 
was, contrariwise, exactino- in the hio-hest deo-ree to his 
engineer corps and officers. Forward pre-eminently in 
acknowledo'ino; their merits and the value of their work, 
he was very vigilant in keeping work and merits inces- 
santly at the full standard of excellence. Just after 
Resaca was occupied, an engineer task had presented 
itself — the raihvav brido-e over the Ostenaula River had 
to be rebuilt. The Chief had then suddenly turned to 
Colonel lYright, and asked him how long the job would 
take. He appeared full of impatience while that officer 
made a short calculation, and on hearing him say at length 
that he could do it in four days, exclaimed, ^ Sir, I give 
you forty-eight hours — or a position in the front ranks !' 
This humorous incitement had the desired effect, for at 
the expiration of the forty-eight hours Colonel AYright 
had the brido-e forthcomino-.-^ 

o o 

* Shanks, Personal Bccollcctions of Distinguished Generals (New York, 
1S66), p. 2i. 



27S GRANT'S CA:\IPAIGN AGAINST EICIDIOND. Ch. IX. 

This incident of the biidge is but one illustration of 
General Sherman's management. Many others might be 
given. His penetrating mental glance, and his incessant 
personal supervision, were already giving his army that 
marching development which was presently to bear ex- 
traordinary fruits. As yet he was very careful to include 
ill his plans of advance brief intervals of rest for the 
men ; for there was hard fio-htinoc to be done sooner or 
later, for which he would have them fresh. But he al- 
lowed nothing, save consideration for the soldiers' per- 
sonal condition, to affect his march ; all else he had 
resolved to bend to his purpose, and all causes for delay 
of material nature, insuperable as they might appear, 
must somehow be conquered. So minute was he in his 
calculations, that he had refused, when starting from 
Chattanooga, to allow a few members of the Christian 
Commission to accompany the army ; for their presence 
would entail so much additional railway carriage. ^ Cer- 
tainly not,' he had said to these gentlemen, ' Certainly 
not ; oats and gunpowder are more indispensable at the 
front than benevolent agents. The weight of every non- 
combatant transported deprives me of so many pounds of 
bread that I must have. Each regiment has its chaplain, 
and these must do the work desired.'"^ 

Such a degree of engineering power and celerity, there- 
fore, did Sherman manifest in his advance, that the con- 
sideration of it began to have a serious moral effect on 
the soldiers of Johnston, inspiring them with wonder 
and dismay at the vigour and vast resources of the Fe- 
derals. Another anecdote will amusingly attest this. 
Later than the date at wdiich we have yet arrived, it was 
one day reported in the Confederate camp that Forrest's 



* Bowman, Slicrman and his Campaigns, p, 453. 



Cs. IX. 



SHERMAN'S ENGINEER CORPS. 



279 



cavalry, raiding effectively in Sherman's rear, had at last 
succeeded in destroying a very important tunnel on the 
line of railway on which Sherman was advancing. The 
troops appreciated with deliglit the hindrance which the 
deed would cause to the advance of their enemies. They 
greeted the news with cheers, when suddenly up jumped 
a veteran soldier, and growled out, ^ Oh, stop your noise ; 
supposing Forrest has broken in the tunnel, Sherman has 
got a duplicate of it, and it's fixed up before this time.' 

General Sherman was now leading his array to the 
right of its former line of march, with the object of pass- 
ing, instead of attacking, Allatoona Gap. That position 
was very strong, but Johnston could not extend his army 
from it sufficiently to bar Sherman's advance by his right. 
On the 27th, as the Federal general was still pressing on, 
Johnston for the first time ventured on attacking him. 
On the 25th a sharp skirmish had taken place near 
Dallas, after which the Federals still continued their 
march. Influenced, perhaps, by the sentiments of his 
corps' commanders, Johnston decided on trying to rebuff 
the enemy, as his unmolested advance recently made it 
seem probable that the attempt would take him by sur- 
prise. The essay proved as ill-judged as it was forlorn. 
Sherman's army was not to be caught napping. In the 
engagement on the 25 th one of his corps advancing had 
suffered from unwarily approaching a concealed Confede- 
rate battery, but against attack it was always prepared — 
well posted and well fenced. The Confederates had 
taken in hand a terrible task, and much beyond their 
strength. Led on by the brave General Cleburne, they 
made repeated charges during the 27th and 28th, but 
were repulsed with great slaughter each time ; and the 
comparison of the losses showed the battle of New Hope 
to be a most material success for General Sherman. 



280 GEANT'S CAlVIPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOXD. Cli. IX. 



J line 1 to 6. (Grant lying in front of Richmond.) — One 
range of mountains yet remained between Atlanta and 
the advancing Federals, who marched now with the pride 
and confidence engendered by the distance and difficulties 
they had surmounted since leaving Chattanooga. It be- 
hoved the Confederates to continue their retreat. Aban- 
doning AUatoona Gap, now partially outflanked, Johnston 
fell back to the chain of rugged hills about Marietta, 
fifteen or twenty miles north of the Chattahoochie. 

He set to w^ork at once to increase the defences, and 
as Sherman tarried a few days on the field of New Hope, 
they were brought to a high state of efficiency. The 
Federal general resumed his march on June 4, having 
made nearly a week's halt, partly to rest his men, partly 
to allow time for the march of some reinforcements under 
General F. P. Blair, which were now comino; to augment 
his army. Leisurely he came on towards Johnston's new 
position. On the 6th he occupied Ackworth, and re- 
gained the line of the railroad ; on the 9th, with the 
trains comino- and croino: ao-ain in his rear, he moved for- 
ward to ^ Big Shanty.' Pleased with his success thus 
far, solicitous as to the obstacle which now lay before 
him, General Sherman rode on to the head of his army, 
as it came into full view of the enemy's position. What 
met his eyes shall be described in his own words. 

' Kenesaw, the bold and striking twin mountain, lay 
before us, with a high range of chestnut hills trending off 
to the north-east, terminating to our view in another 
peak, called Brushy Mountain. To our right was the 
smaller hill, called Pine Mountain, and beyond it, in the 
distance, Lost Mountain. All these, though links in a 
continuous chain, present a sharp, conical appearance, 
prominent in the vast landscape that presents itself from 
any of the hills that abound in that region. KenesavN', 
Pine Mountain, and Lost Mountain form a triangle — 



Ch. IX. 



DEATH OF BISHOP POLK. 



28i 



Pine Mountain the apex, and Kenesaw and Lost Moun- 
tain the base — covering perfectly the town of Marietta 
and the raiboad back to the Chattahoochie. On each of 
these peaks the enemy had his signal stations. The sum- 
mits were covered with batteries, and the spurs were alive 
with men, busy in felling trees, digging pits, and prepar- 
ing for the grand struggle. 

^ The scene was enchanting — far too beautiful to be 
disturbed by the harsh clamours of war ; but the Chat- 
tahoochie lay beyond, and I had to reach it.' * 

It was nearly a month before Sherman could make 
the further progress he so much desired. The Kenesaw 
position was too strong for attack, and very difficult for 
offensive manoeuvring. It was very easy for the Federals 
to push their lines close up to those of the enemy. By 
the 11th they were within 500 yards of them ; but after 
that the ascent was so sharp that further progress was 
impossible. The enemy could look down upon their 
camps and observe every movement. His batteries thun- 
dered away, but with very little effect. The close quar- 
ters of the Federals protected them. From the extreme 
height of the enemy's batteries, his shot and shell passed 
harmlessly over their heads. 

The Federal fire had to be delivered with equal lack 
of precision, yet on the 14th it caused the death of a 
notable Confederate leader. A cannon-ball struck Leo- 
nidas Polk, the general commanding Johnston's left, at 
Pine Mountain, and who for twenty years before the 
war had been Bishop of Louisiana. General Polk is pro- 
bably the single instance during the nineteenth century 
of a bishop commanding an army. His military career, 
from July 1861 to his death, was very creditable, if not 

^ Sherman^ s Report from Atlanta, September 15, 1864 (to be designated 
here henceforward. No. 1.) 



282 GE ANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



brilliant. Once only, at Cliickamauga, 1863, was censure 
passed upon him. It was said that the dilatoriness in 
rising of the bishop-general disastrously retarded an im- 
portant movement. 

June 15. (Grant's Army before Petersburg.) — The day 
after General Polk's death Pine Mountain was evacuated, 
and its garrisons withdrawn to Lost and Kenesaw Moun- 
tains. On the 17th the Lost Mountain, too, was evacuated, 
although a line of admirable breastworks connected it with 
Kenesaw. They were probably too long to be advanta- 
geously defended by Johnston's army, which, despite 
some reinforcements of newly raised troops, was still 
somewhat inferior to Sherman's. As soon as these two 
posts were abandoned, the Federals occupied them. 
Johnston's main position, however, was still secure and 
formidable ; and when, on the 27th, two assaults on it 
utterly failed, with a loss of 3,000 to the attackers, and 
only 300 to the defenders, it seemed as if Kenesaw would 
long put a veto on Sherman's further advance. Nothing 
of the sort happened. Sherman merely effected a gradual 
extension of his left towards the Chattahoochie, and on 
the 3rd of J uly Johnston once more retreated. Sherman 
secured the crossing of the Chattahoochie at a point some 
miles east of the railway bridge ; there he waited for a 
few days, to get up supplies and rest his men. All moun- 
tain entanglements were at last surmounted. From the 
north bank of the river Atlanta could be seen in th'e 
distance, with extensive fortifications before it."^ The 

* ' Ascending a high hill which overlooked the river, I got a splendid 
view of the doomed city of Atlanta, with its network of defences. From the 
banks of the river all the way up to the city there is a succession of earth- 
works. It would be impossible to conceive of a more strongly fortified 
place. Not far from the banks of the river I noticed a fort, which is said to 
have some twenty siege guns. In regard to the railroad bridge, in my 
former letter I stated that we held it. I was misinformed —we do not 



Ch. IX. 



ATLANTA IN SIGHT. 



283 



' doomed city/ as men already l)egaii to call it, was a novel 
and welcome sight to tlie troops. It was (as everybody 
then thought) the goal of their march ; and it was the first 
large town in their way since they had set out. In the 
year 1860 the population of Atlanta was 12,000, but it 
had probably increased since then. It contained many 
stores and manufactories, and very important arsenals and 
arms factories, instituted by the Southern Government. 

It was not till the 17th that the Federals advanced 
beyond the immediate border of the river Chattahoochie. 
General Sherman employed the time in making all secure 
in his rear,, in locating supplies, with garrisons to defend 
them, at Marietta and other stations back along the rail- 
way. All this while several over-zealous newspapers in the 
Rebel capital, and the whole of the officiously confident 
Confederate sympathisers outside the Confederacy, were 
clamorous in their praise of ^ Johnston's masterly retreat ;' 
hysteric in their laughter at the predicament of Sherman, 
who was ^walking into a trap.' 'Johnston was drawing 
Sherman away from his base,' so the phrase ran ; ' John- 
ston was getting Sherman where he wanted him ;' most 
egregious misrepresentation of all, ' Sherman's supplies 
were running short.' Now the Federal army was in 
reality excellently supplied. Up to the date we have 
arrived at — up to the arrival of Sherman before Atlanta, 
the Confederates had not even made any serious raid on 
Sherman's rear. They had two dashing cavalry chiefs in 
the south-vv-est region, but one of these. Wheeler, retained 
on Johnston's army, was not yet permitted to make the 
bold but risky attempts we shall see him later undertake ; 
the other, Forrest, was diverted from a serious raid he 

hold it, tut the Eebels have not destroyed it. The cars rim up as far as 
our lines, and scream victory into the ears of the Eebels on the other 
side of the river.' — Correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, 



2S1 GEAXT'8 CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHXOXD. Ch. IX. 



might have made, first by the approach of a detachment of 
Federals from the Mississippi, under Sturgis; and, when he 
had defeated that (June 10), by the approach of a retri- 
butive detachment under A. J. Smith, which gained the 
victory over him in a three days' fight at Tupelo, jNIissis- 
sippi (July 13-15). General Smith managed this battle 
admirably, losing only from 300 to 500 men, while Forrest 
lost over 2,000. 

To return to the armies before Atlanta. Hard fighting 
awaited the Federals. AYhen General Sherman moved 
on towards the walls of Atlanta, a new commander con- 
fronted him. On the 17th July Johnston was superseded 
by the Confederate Government, and replaced by Hood, 
late one of his corps commanders, and who had fought 
durino' 1863 under Lee in Yiro^inia. The authorities at 
Richmond had appointed the new general chiefly for his 
^ fighting ' qualities. He was indeed a man of eminent 
valour and gallantry — as a missing arm, leg, and eye, 
abundantly testified — but unfortunately totally deficient 
in the quahties necessary for the chief command in a 
defensive campaign. 

The selection was made in haste ; the Confederate 
Government had afterwards to repent at leisure. Hood 
began a career of errors by striking out furiously and 
heedlessly against an adversary who was drawing up 
towards him with extreme care and deliberation. Out of 
the shelter of his own fortifications, he threw himself twice 
upon an army superior in numbers, strong in condition, 
and with able generals at their posts. Sherman's army, 
inarching down the north bank of Peach-tree Creek, 
on the 18th, crossed it on the 19th, and drew up towards 
the outer line of the fortifications of Atlanta. This line 
of works was a little over two miles from the city of 
Atlanta, and Sherman's army was ranged at about four 



Ch. IX. 



BATTLES BEFOEE ATLANTA. 



285 



miles' distance from the city ; its left extended to the south 
as far as the town of Decatur. Hood's army lay within 
its breastworks on the 19th, and on the 20th, when Sher- 
man's w^as securely posted, suddenly started out to attack 
it in the open field. The Federals were in line along the 
south bank of Peach-tree Creek. The Confederate troops 
did all that could be expected of them. Advancing three 
lines deep, they struggled fiercely against a deadly fire of 
artillery and musketry, and at first came to close quarters, 
and put one portion of the Federal line into a staggering 
condition. From 4 p.m., w^hen Hood led them to the first 
attack, till dark, the Southerners made repeated charges, 
but each one was less eifectual and more disastrous to 
themselves than its predecessor. At no point did they 
succeed in breaking the Federal line. Hood lost in this 
battle over 3,000 men, Sherman not quite half that 
number. 

General Hood rashly ventured on pursuing the same 
policy of attack in a yet greater battle. Late on the 21st 
he abandoned the outer line of fortifications, the extent of 
w^hich did not allow of the concentration of forces he 
w^anted, and on the next morning he massed all the troops 
he could on Sherman's left flank (22nd July). A great 
battle took place — the greatest of the Georgian cam- 
paign. Hood's policy was to attack the Federal left 
flank while their right was occupying the outer line of 
w^orks which he had abandoned. At 1 p.m. his infantry, 
in greatly superior force, rushed on to the 15th and 17th 
corps — M'Pherson's command — whilst the cavalry, under 
Wheeler, made a dash against some of the Federal stores 
at Decatur. But the loth corps, under General Blair, 
bravely withstood the scathing onset of the commence- 
ment, another corps speedily came to its aid, and the 
17 th charged out furiously against the attackers. At each 



285 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



effort the Confederates made they suffered much greater 
loss than they inflicted. Desperate encounters and great 
perils occurred on both sides. Before the battle was well 
begun, the Federals had to deplore the loss of one of their 
best chiefs. General M'Pherson had been in consultation 
with Sherman in the centre of the army, when the first 
tokens that the enemy was making a movement on his left 
flank were announced. He instantly mounted and rode 
off, attended by his staff. Arrived near the scene of 
action, and foreseeing the strategy of the coming conflict, 
he had despatched most of his officers with orders, but still 
rode on, almost alone, to reconnoitre. The enemy was 
nearer than he thought. Some sharpshooters had already 
advanced through the woods, and General M^Pherson 
met a sudden death by a volley from an ambush. The 
officers who were coming after him beheld with dismay 
his horse galloping back, wounded and riderless. 

Only half an hour after M^Pherson had quitted Sher- 
man's side, the chief commander was struck with grief 
by his adjutant-general's riding up to report that he 
was either dead or prisoner."^ There was no time for 
meditation, however, and plenty of scope for action. 
General Logan was temporarily appointed to M'Pherson's 
position. The news of the death of their commander was 
communicated to the troops of the left flank, and Logan 
led on the 17th corps with the cry of ' Kemember 
M'^Pherson.' Before dusk the Confederates retired, having 
again failed to break the Federal line at any point. 
The only morsel of success they obtained by the battle 

* ' Not more than half an hour after General M'Pherson had left me, 
viz. about 12.30 p.m. of the 22nd, his adjutant-general, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Clark, rode up and reported that General M'Pherson was either dead or a 
prisoner. * ^ The suddenness of this terrible calamity would have 
overwhelmed me with grief, but the living demanded my whole thoughts.' — 
Sherman'' s Report (No. 1.) 



Ch. IX. 



DEATH OF M'PHERSON. 



287 



was the capture of some small quantity of supplies by 
Wheeler at Decatur. But the grand result of this rash 
attack of the Confederate general was victory for Sherman, 
and victory of the most substantial kind. He had inflicted 
large loss upon the enemy, suffering less than half the 
amount himself. His total of killed, wounded, and missing, 
was 3,722. It had cost Hood not less than 8,000.* 

The death of General M^Pherson was much felt by the 
people of the North. He was but thirty-six years old, was a 
brave man, and had already made a great reputation for 
military ability, being even complimented with acknow- 
ledgment of it by the Confederate newspapers — one of 
the few instances in which they did so notice a Northern 
commander. His death was a deep personal affliction to 
Sherman and Grant. When the news of the battle 
reached Grant, in his camp before Petersburg, it is said 
that the Lieutenant-General went into his tent and wept 
bitterly for the death of him whom he describes in his 
report as ' the brave, accomplished, and noble-hearted 
M'Pherson.' 

After the battle Hood retired into Atlanta, which was 
well provisioned, and fortified all round in a manner that 
bade defiance to any immediate attempts to storm it. Sher- 
man had no such rash idea in his head. Without makins^ 
any attack, he found plenty of useful work to do to prepare 
the downfall of the place. He now began to operate on 
its railway communications. On the 21st, while he merely 
reconnoitred in front, the troops in the rear were employed 
in destroying the ^ Georgia ' Kailway, the important line 

* Of this approximate number the dead were 3,240. Sherman states 
that his officers counted 2,200, and 800 bodies were delivered to Hood for 
burial under flag of truce on the 23rd. Very nearly these numbers were 
declared, four days after the battle, in a congratulatory order issued by 
Sherman's subordinate, General Thomas. — Sherman's Beport (No. 1.) New 
York Newspapers. 



288 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. 



Ch. IX. 



running east from Atlanta to the city of Augusta and the 
Carolina border. While he lay on the north bank of the 
Chattahoochie, a strong body of cavalry, under General 
Rousseau, had by his direction descended from Decatur, 
Alabama, on to the Montgomery, West Point and Atlanta 
line — the only railway running west from Atlanta. 

Finally, on July 27, he detached most of the cavalry 
camped with him to raid over the country south-east of 
Atlanta, and endeavour to cut the Macon Railway, the 
only line running due south from the beleaguered city. 
This done, he immediately broke up camp, sent his stores 
to his garrison north of the Chattahoochie, and pushed 
quickly round between the north of Atlanta and the 
river. He was in hopes that celerity in this movement 
would enable him to acquire immediately a position to 
the south-west of the enemy, where he might either shut 
him in, or thrust him out of, Atlanta. But Hood, seeing 
that railway after railway was being attacked in his rear, 
perceived that his communications would soon be cut off, 
and resolved to make one more desperate effort. 

His army had been largely reinforced by levies of State 
militia, with a few detachments brought, though ill to be 
spared, from some garrison towns of the Carolinas. The 
bulk of these being raw recruits, and quite young men, 
may partly explain the disproportionate losses Hood sus- 
tained in each battle he fought. His troops behaved 
well, however, in the attack he again dealt out on Sher- 
man, as the latter was passing round by the north-west 
of Atlanta (July 28). The men fought with that des- 
perate courage which shows that hope is almost abandoned 
and rage the animating principle. They rushed furiously 
right up to the Federal lines, and a great deal of sheer 
hand-to-hand fighting took place ; but the seasoned troops 
of Sherman withstood all their attacks. In the heat of 



Ch. IX. 



BATTLES BEFORE ATLANTA. 



289 



the combat a Confederate standard-bearer, cbarging at 
tbe head of his regiment, dashed up to the rifle-pits and 
ran the spear-head of his flag-staff through a Federal 
soldier, killing him on the spot. The next minute an 
avenging bullet laid this desperate partisan low. This 
incident illustrates the heat of the conflict in both parties. 
The weight of loss fell wholly to the Confederates. Ac- 
cording to the report of General Logan, the Federals 
lost but 572, while he estimates that the Confederates 
lost about 5,000. Do what they would, the Confederates 
could not hinder their iron enemy from passing round 
their left flank, and acquiring a position on the south-west 
of Atlanta. Augmented in force by the arrival of re- 
inforcements under Sloe am (20tfi corps), Sherman moved 
on and planted himself west of Atlanta, with the Chatta- 
hoochie in his rear, still keeping open communications 
with his supply garrisons on the north bank of that river. 
During the month of August he maintained this men- 
acing position, gradually extending his right flank more 
and more to the south till it rested on the little railway 
junction called East Point. Hood, however, found means 
still to keep his lines prolonged in opposition along the 
Macon Railroad. Frequent skirmishing and shelling 
took place, but unmarked by any incidents which require 
record. 

As the last days of August were closing, Sherman 
found himself in a condition for giving the finishing touch 
to Atlanta. Without having effected any material reduc- 
tion of the strong defences that encircled the city, he saw 
his way to ousting the enemy from it by strategy. He 
had thought out all the details of a comprehensive move- 
ment, notifying the President, the War Minister, and 
General Grant of his plan, and his confident anticipations 
that it would give him the city. Imitating the policy we 

u 



290 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST PJCHMOND. Ch. IX. 



have already seen Grant taking up before Petersburg, 
Sherman had, with much greater ease and celerity, ex- 
tended his line, thereby compelling his antagonist to do 
the same, and so incur weakness at certain points. A 
raid right round Atlanta, performed in three days by 
Sherman's dashing chief of cavalry, Kilpatrick (now re- 
covered from his wound), added to Hood's growing per- 
plexity. Kilpatrick destroyed a portion of both the 
' Montgomery ' and the ^ Macon ' Railways ; and this so 
alarmed Hood, that deeming himself bound to keep open 
the Macon line at all risks, he sent out of Atlanta a 
large portion of his army (Hardee's corps), and located it 
at Jonesboro' on that line, not less than twenty-two miles 
south of the city. Sherman, having forced the enemy into 
this perilous extension of his lines, immediately proceeded 
to profit by it. Using some considerable artifice to mis- 
lead the enemy, lie marched rapidly south, to Fairburn, 
on the ^ Montgomery ' line (August 27). After destroying 
that railway for twelve miles, he turned quickly round on 
the enemy's force, on the ^ Macon' line (31st). Falling 
upon it in overwhelming strength, he crushed the at- 
tack it feebly offered to his right wing, and then rapidly 
pushed his left diagonally forward, so as to completely 
sever it from Atlanta and its chief commander. That 
general was now at his wit's end, unable even to assist 
his detachment at J onesboro', and obliged to make up his 
mind to the evacuation of Atlanta. Sherman had left 
Slocum's 20th corps in front of Atlanta, with its rear 
resting on the Chattahoochie Bridge ; by this, therefore. 
Hood was still threatened. When on the next day the 
main body of the Federals, with Sherman at its head, 
appeared at the little station called Rough and Ready, 
twelve miles south of Atlanta, and ten north of Jones- 
boro', destroyed the railroad down to the latter place, and 



Ch. IX. 



FALL OF ATLANTA. 



291 



tlien proceeded to drive tlie force under Hardee still 
further south, Hood plainly perceived that it was out of 
his power to hold Atlanta. (September 1.) Sherman 
utterly routed the force at Jonesboro'; broke Hardee's 
lines, captured prisoners and guns, and chased him to 
Lovejoy's station, thirty miles south of Atlanta. (2nd.) 
All he had to do then was to turn and leisurely march 
back, for Hood had blown up his magazines and fled the 
same night, and Slocum's 20tli corps was already in 
peaceful possession of the long-coveted and well-earned 
city of Atlanta."^ 

The drop-scene may descend again, while we consider 
the character and results of Sherman's victory. The fall 
of Atlanta stands out pretty distinctly, as closing the 
fourth act of the American Civil War. Words of thanks- 
giving and triumph filled the North, from President 
and people. In Grant's camp, before Petersburg, a 
salute of shotted guns was fired, in honour of the success 
in the South- West. Sherman received (just before the 
capture of Atlanta) the commission of Major-General in 
the regular army. 

The conception and execution of the operations by 
which Sherman gained Atlanta were most brilliant in a 
military point of view. He threw dust in Hood's eyes 
completely, from August 27 to September 1. He com- 
pelled the division of the Confederate army, and then 
reaped the full benefit to be derived from it by astuteness 
and energy. Nor had he delayed in the fore part of 
August mthout a reason. He thereby got the oppor- 

* General Sherman, in his despatches announcing the victory, complacently 
hnt justly finishes by saying, ' Atlanta is ours, and fairly won.' ' If that is 
not success I do not know what is.' That there might be no mistake about 
it, he adds, in one letter, ' I am now writing in Atlanta, so I could not be 
uneasy in regard to our situation ' — a sly hint for those newspaper writers 
and critics who had decried his operations. 



292 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



tunity of executing his plan when Hood's cavah-y was 
away, and could not watch or interfere with his move- 
ments. The results thereby gained more than compen- 
sated for the destruction done on his own communications. 
Wheeler had cut the telegraph wires, and torn up por- 
tions of the railway between Atlanta and Chattanooga; 
had generally annoyed all the garrisons posted at intervals 
between those two places, fiercely assaulting one, and had 
even passed beyond Chattanooga, and commenced opera- 
tions on the railway in East Tennessee. He was well 
aided by the two guerilla chiefs of the South- West, 
Forrest and Morgan. The three dashed about in the 
wildest manner. Moro^an encourao^ed Wlieeler to ad- 
vance into Tennessee, and, for a time, acted with him. 
Forrest, eager to retrieve the defeat which Smith's 
seasoned troops had given him, scoured along the bound- 
ary line of Tennessee and Alabama, and attacking 
Memphis, on the Mississippi, with superior force, nearly 
succeeded in making prisoners the general in command 
(Washburn) and all his officers. Wheeler passed from 
Eastern into Central Tennessee, and destroyed more rail- 
way track, as far north as the old battle-field of Mur- 
freesboro'. But when there the bold raiders received the 
news that the game which was really important had gone 
against them — that Sherman was comfortably ensconced 
in Atlanta. With bitter chagrin, Wheeler turned south 
again to rejoin his discomfited chief. Hood. Forrest 
ragefully turned over the feasibility of another daring 
raid or two. As for Morgan, the career of that most 
pestilent, most daring of guerillas, closed for ever, in a 
somewhat singular manner, in the immediate vicinity of 
his native town (Greenville). At the house in which he 
took up his quarters one night, with only two or three 
companions, a Northern lady, wife of a Northern officer, 



Ch. IX. 



CONPEDERATE GUERILLA GENEEALS. 



293 



resided. She hastened to the nearest Federal quarters 
during the night. In the morning a body of Federals 
surrounded the house, from which Morgan had not yet 
sallied. Called upon to surrender, he refused, and 
endeavoured to make his escape, upon which he was 
instantly shot dead by a Federal cavalryman.* 

It will readily be supposed that, on the capture of 
Atlanta, public expectation was raised to a high pitch as 
to the next move of the victorious Federal general. Also 
it may stand as a matter of course that the subject had 
already occupied the general's own attention. Two or 
three plans were revolving in the fertile brain of Sher- 
man, and were being equally reflected on by his chief. 
Grant, in his quiet camp before Petersburg. The idea 
which the Lieutenant-General and his subordinate first 
entertained was to hold Atlanta, and presently acquire 
one or two other garrison towns in a line through Georgia 
or Alabama to the sea, ^ in other words, cut the would-be 
Confederacy in two again,' as it was already by the pos- 
session of the course of the Mississippi. There were con- 
siderable difficulties in this project, in the way of heavy 
garrisons to be maintained on the various railway lines, 
and the opening of fresh bases of supply for them. The 
reduction of the great Alabama seaport of Mobile was 
very desirable for this scheme, as there was excellent 
facility of communication over the three hundred miles of 

* I am not quite certain that Greenville was the birthplace of Morgan, 
but he was in some way connected with it, and the people of the little town 
still dwell on his exploits with pride, as the following extract from a 
Federal tourist's narrative, six months after the war, shows : — ' " This is 
whar they both belong," said a native, as we were coming out from the 
dining-room at Greenville. It was to President Johnson (whose home was 
in this dilapidated little village) that the reference had been made. Who 
the other notability of the place was no one understood, till the native ex- 
plained that "he meant Andie Johnson and John Morgan, of co'se." ' — Reid, 
After the War (Cincinnati, 1866), p. 351. 



294 



GEANT'S CAMP.IIGN AG.IIXST EICHMOND. 



Ch. IX. 



country between it and Atlanta, not only by the tracks of 
the railways, but by the natural river communications. 
Mobile, in the possession of the Federals, would open a 
new base for Sherman on the Gulf of Mexico. A naval 
and military expedition to attempt its capture had already 
sailed ; and if it were not necessary to explain the rela- 
tions between Sherman's position and his south-western 
outlook, it would nevertheless be Avell to digress here 
from Sherman's proceedings for a moment, to admire the 
victory gained in Mobile Bay by the fine old naval hero 
of the Federals, Admiral Farragut. 

Mobile Bay is about thirty miles long, the city of 
Mobile being that number of miles from the sea. At 
its broadest part the bay is fifteen miles across, at its 
narrowest about seven. It is admirably shut in from the 
Gulf of Mexico by a peninsula and an island, so that there 
were only two openings, Grant's Pass and the Swash 
Channel, through which the Federal fleet could enter. 
These openings Avere about three miles wide, and the 
Confederates had erected strong forts, Morgan and 
Gaines, to command them. Within the bay was cooped 
up about the largest fleet the Confederates now possessed, 
and on this, during the month of July, Admiral Farragut 
had set his heart. It comprised the great ironclad ram 
' Tennessee,' built on the model of the ' Merrimac,' but 
-with various improvements, altogether stauncher and 
more formidable, and three fine gunboats, the ^ Selma,' 
the ^ Gaines,' and the ^ Morgan.' 

Admu'al Farragut's fleet consisted of eleven wooden 
ships and three ironclads, the most formidable of which 
was the ^ Tecumseh.' On Auo-ust 5 these all ran the 
gauntlet of the forts at the entrance of the bay ( Swash 
Channel), passing in two and two, and delivering such a 
fire at the forts as prevented their fire from keeping on so 



Ck. IX. 



FAKSAGUT IX 3I0BILE BAY, 



295 



vigorously as it should. Directly tlie Federal ships en- 
tered the bay. the Confederates lying inside attacked 
them. Farragiit's wooden llag-ship, the • Hart lord,' was 
now ahead, as it had always been the Admiral's wont to 
be. The Admiral, lashed to a mast, surveyed the 
whole combat, and the iirst thhig he saw after getting 
inside the bay was the best of his vessels yet in. the 
' Tecumseh,' going down [7 AO A.^i.) She had struck a 
torpedo, and was seen to rise and disappear beneath the 
water almost instantly. A boat, which ay as immediately 
put off under heavy firing, succeeded in picking up half- 
a-dozen men : all the rest of her ofiicers and crew, about 
100 men. were drovvmed. The firino- uow became terrific, 
and the fleet, although steaming ahead at full speed, was 
completely enveloped in flame and smoke. At this 
moment one of the Confederate gunboats, which were 
close by the forts, was seen making off to the north, with 
the evident intention of escaping to the city of Mobile, 
Farragut directed a vessel after her, and after a chase of 
forty minutes the ' Selma ' was captured. Her decks, 
when she struck, were covered with dead and dying, and 
the scuppers running with their blood. All Farragut's 
fleet was now within the bay and somewhat dispersed, 
some beino; eno-ao-ed with the Confederate cunboats 
• Gaines " and ' ^Morgan : " the former was ultimately 
beached, and so lost to the Confederates. Xow, at last, 
the ' Termessee ' engaged the two remaining monitors of 
Farragut : she seemed quite a match for both of them 
together, and it was impossible to say hoAv their fight 
would result, when Farragut, from his pinnacle of ob- 
servation, gave the signal for the whole fleet to turn and 
attack the Kebel ram. not only with guns, but by running 
down on her at full speed. Thus the audacious old 
Admiral actually rammed her with his wooden vessels. 



296 GEANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. IX. 



His own ship, tlie ^ Hartford,' poured in a broadside at a 
distance of not more than twelve feet. The Confederate 
Admiral was now down, wounded in the leg ; and with the 
ironclads closing upon her, and the ^ Hartford ' and the rest 
of the fleet again ramming her, with her crew continually 
knocked off their legs by the concussions, at ten a.m. 
the ' Tennessee ' surrendered. Only one vessel of the 
Confederates escaped, the gunboat * Morgan.' Farragut's 
loss in this victory was about 240, including the crew 
of the ' Tecumseh.'"^ Such is the brief outline of this 
naval battle, which gave great delight to the citizens 
of the North, and still further enhanced the fame of 
Admiral Farragut, who already possessed so distinguished 
a reputation from his exploits at JS^cav Orleans and in the 
Mississippi in 1862-3. From his perfect hardihood amidst 
Are and water, he received the popular appellation of 
' The Old Salamander.' 

The forts defending Mobile Bay were reduced by the 
end of September, but the city of Mobile was too w^ell 
fortified to give in to anything but a persistent siege. 
Its fate Avas reserved till seven months later, the very 
close of the war, for it was not thought expedient by 
General Grant to prosecute the difficult siege . at once. 
During September fresh schemes presented themselves to 
him and Sherman, in which the possession of Mobile was 
not an indispensable thing. 

Sherman liked, after work done, to toy briefly — briefly, 
be it Aveil understood — with the outlines of different ope- 
rations, by which the work done might be followed up, 
and often ended by selecting the most daring. So it 
eventually happened in this case. 

* Farragut's Eeport. Narrative of an Officer of Admiral Farragiit's 
Fleet. Bes'pafch of General Maury, commanding at Mobile. Headley, 
Farragut and our Naval Commanders (New York, 1867). 



Ch. IX. 



SHERMAN AND HOOD. 



297 



After enterino; Atlanta, General Sherman arrano^ed with 
General Hood a few days' armistice. The Gonfederate 
commander had rallied and re-organised his arm j at about 
thirty mdles south of Atlanta. 

With the object of making strong his hold, Sherman 
issued a proclamation declaring his requisition of Atlanta 
exclusively for military purposes, and ordered all the 
citizens to depart, giving them passes either North or 
South, as they wished. The object of this was to prevent 
any hints of plans being conveyed from inhabitants to the 
enemy in the field ; also to make practicable a contraction 
of the circle of defence. 

When the news of this undoubtedly hard-to-be-borne 
measure reached General Hood, he seized upon it as the 
opportunity for a war of words. He wrote a long letter 
to Sherman, stigmatising the act as cruelty, and imputing 
barbarity to the Federal armies. Sherman, as eager 
with the pen as with the sword, wrote back a repelling 
and fiery reply. Altogether, Sherman seemed to get the 
best of Hood in this encounter of pen and ink, as he had 
in that of steel and lead.* 

Hood sent another letter, but Sherman appears not to 
have accorded further correspondence. Meanwhile, to 
raise the drooping spirits of the south-western portion 
of the Confederacy, there came from Richmond its Pre- 

' Talk thus to the Marines,' said Sherman, disputing Hood's protest 
that his act was ' studied and ingenious cruelty,' and then stating, himself, 
the provocations which the South had given the North : ' Talk thus to the 
Marines, but not to me who have seen these things, and who will this day 
make as much sacrifice for the peace and honour of the South as the hest 
born Southerner among you,' — Letters of Hood to Sherman and of Sherman 
to Hood, September, 1864. See also, for the sentiments which were work- 
ing in Sherman's mind at this time, a very interesting letter from him to 
an old friend, from before Atlanta, August 10, 1864, during the siege 
(not published till a year later, August 31, 1865, in the Hunts ville Advo- 
cate). 



298 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



sident, and, by speeches at various towns in the course of 
his progress, JeiFerson Davis strove to reanimate his 
sinking ' nation.' Now, in grave and genuine tones, he 
acknowledged that reverses had befallen them, that there 
was a gloom in their prospects, and that there was dif- 
ficulty in filling the ranks for defence ; * now, with rage- 
ful vehemence and a confidence that must have belied 
his real feelings, he inveighed against Sherman, predicted 
that he would be compelled to make a retreat as dis- 
astrous as that of Napoleon from Moscow, and spoke, as 
a matter of course, of the achievement of independence. 
In the same breath, he told the people of Macon that a 
great portion of the troops were absent mthout leave, 
that he could not send any reinforcements from Virginia 
to Georgia, and that all, even the old men, would have 
to unite to defend Macon if attacked. f When this speech 
was published, most of the Southern newspapers were so 
dissatisfied with it that they denied its authenticity. 
They could not, however, deny the scarcity of soldiers, 
as, in common with the Government, they had hitherto ; 
for, simultaneously with this speech of Mr. Davis, an 
order was issued from the War Department at Kichmoud 
for the enrolment of all white males between the ages of 
seventeen and fifty. 

Returning again by stages to his capital. President 
Davis made another speech at Columbia, the capital of 
South Carolina, in which he indulged himself in vitupe- 
rating the people of the North generally : — ^ Does any- 
one believe that the Yankees are to be conciliated by 
terms of concession ? ' he asked. ' Do you not know that 
the only way to make spaniels civil is to whip them ? — 
and you can whip them ! ' 

* Speech at Salisbury, North Carolina, 

t Speech at Macon, Georgia, September 28, 1864. 



Ch. IX. 



SPEECHES OF JEFEEESO!^ DAVIS. 



299 



General Slierman had been anxiously scrutinising the 
position of the Confederates since his occupation of At- 
lanta. But they had been so still at first, that no certain 
indication of their ideas could be gathered. The in- 
cautious speech of President Davis at Macon (Septem- 
ber 23) revealed the outline of their plans. The bitter- 
ness of his position must have in some degree affected 
the heretofore calm judgment of the Southern President. 
When he arrogantly asserted that the captors of Atlanta 
could be driven and harassed as the French were from 
Moscow, he also plainly gave out that Hood's army Would 
assume the offensive almost immediately, to effect the 
grand result. At the same time he had declared that he 
could spare no reinforcements of seasoned troops for the 
arduous task. Both Grant and Sherman allude in their 
reports to the remarkable way in which the Head of the 
Rebellion played into their hands by this injudicious 
speech. Sherman had strongly fortified Atlanta, and 
was preparing for a movement, when the enemy's ven- 
turesomeness thus caused his immediate operations to be 
settled for him. He was ready at once to look after 
Hood. Meanwhile, before he could move, he despatched 
his second in command, the able General Thomas, back 
to Nashville, to organise calmly for the defence of Ten- 
nessee. Yery shortly after, too. Grant arranged to send 
more cavalry to Tennessee, with the experienced chief 
Wilson to keep a patrol of the defence lines. 

With a large army of infantry, composed in great mea- 
sure of raw and young soldiers. Hood now entered upon 
movements as wild and erratic as those which Forrest 
was risking with a small body of cavalry, and such as^ 
though partly successful, were even in him injudicious. 
Moving quickly round by the west, to the north of 
Federal Atlanta, Hood threw himself upon the railroad 



300 GEANT'S C.I^IPAICtN AGAINST EICIBIOXD. Ch. IX. 



in Sherman's rear^ and marclied north upon its tract, de- 
stroying where he could and had time, and assaulting (in 
one instance successfully) Sherman's^garrisons (October 1). 
Leaving an ample force under Slocum in Atlanta, Sher- 
man moved after him, and entered on the strange task of 
pursuing that army 130 miles north in the very track 
on which, from uMay to July, he had pursued it 130 miles 
south. 

A stirring episode occurred at this resumption of hos- 
tilities. Hood, who had a fair start of Sherman, was 
north of the Kenesaw Range on the 4th, and immediately 
directed a division against the Federal garrison at the 
Allatoona Pass. The position is already familiar to the 
reader. Through the pass ran the railway to Chattanooga, 
and in the fort Avere stored over a million rations. 
Sherman, at Atlanta, divined the movement with an- 
noyance and some anxiety. The feeble Allatoona gar- 
rison was bound to bear the brunt of an attack before 
he could reach it with his army. Xow came into play 
the signal corps. The flagmen on Kenesaw Mountain 
(safely possessed by Sherman's outposts) had not been 
slow in communicating the danger to Atlanta. From 
Atlanta the chief darted back a message that Allatoona 
must be defended to the last, at the same time ordering 
General Corse, at E.ome, to reinforce it with his troops 
and assume the command. Over the heads of Hood's 
advancino; soldiers went the messao;e from Kenesaw to 
Allatoona, thence to Rome ; and during the night of the 
4th General Corse and his reinforcement hurried into the 
Pass Fort. Even then the garrison numbered but a little 
over 1,500 men, and with early dawn of the 5th full 6,000 
Confederates were upon them. But Corse's spmt alone 
w^as a saving reinforcement. Though severely wounded 
ere much of the fighting had passed, this brave man ruled 



Ch. IX. BATTLE Or ALLATOONA PASS. 



301 



the defence all through ; and, though driven from their 
lower lines, the feeble garrison held the summit of the 
mountain with immoveable constancy. They returned to 
the utmost the fire of the vastly superior numbers attack- 
ing, without letting nervousness mar the efficacy of the 
volleys. Corse's spirit animated his men. Nor that alone. 
In the intervals between the smoke of volleys they looked 
straight on to the distant Kenesaw Mountain, and, be- 
tween ten o'clock and noon, the ' magic white and red,' 
waved by the flagmen there, transmitted a joyful message 
to those watching at the glass. Relief was at hand. The 
23rd corps was coming with all the speed possible against 
the rear of the enemy, and from the top of Kenesaw 
Sherman himself was watching the fight of the heroic 
suffering Corse and his brave Allatoona garrison. Thrill- 
ing was this incident. Sherman had climbed to the 
Kenesaw signal-station by ten o'clock, and standing with 
his face towards Allatoona (eighteen miles distant), could 
see the smoke of battle and hear the faint sounds of 
artillery. His track of four months previous lay before 
him, the same from which he had taken that admiring 
view of ^ Kenesaw, the bold and striking twin mountain ;' 
now, standing on Kenesaw, the view back was made more 
entrancing by the vivid interest of its termination — the 
desperate and uncertain struggle of a garrison of his, 
going on under his very eyes. Uncertain, it had properly 
to be styled, as the issue of a battle always must be. 
Sherman, however, though sad to see his men unequally 
beset (one of his best titles to praise is his solicitude for 
the lives of his soldiers), was confident that they would 
come out victorious. ' I know Corse,' he said ; ^ so long 
as he lives the Allatoona Pass is safe.' 

The defence of Allatoona will always be referred to 
with just pride by Americans in the future^ and its 



302 GE ANT'S CAIVIPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. IX. 



romantic accompaniments ^vill make it more celebrated 
than battles on a larger scale. In military importance, 
however, the garrison's victory was great. Soon after 
mid-clay that victory was achieved ; for the attackers, 
making no impression, and finding themselves about to 
be pressed by the advancing 23rd corps, drew off, and 
marched to the north-west along with Hood's main body."^ 
It was in vain that Hood, leaving alone Allatoona, 
threatened, or made a feint at, Rome. Indisposed to 
risk a battle, he had to move on with such celerity that, 
though progressing to ^\'ithin view of Chattanooga, he did 
not eifect much damage to the railroad. He gained pos- 
session of Dalton indeed for a day, but Sherman follow- 
ing him up sharply, drove him out and on again. Arrived 
almost close to Chattanooga, Sherman for a moment 
thought his adversary was going to make a stand on the 
old battle-field of Chickamauga (October 15). On press- 
ing him, however, his symptoms of resistance proved mere 
feints. There was no more fight in Hood — as regarded 
Sherman, at least — and as another step north would have 
brought him under the guns of Chattanooga, he fled 
by the left in a south-westerly direction to Gadsden, 
Alabama. 

Those Southern critics and Southern sympathisers who 
had been so persistent, first in denying, then in misrepre- 
sentin<j Sherman's calm but resistless march on and into 
Atlanta, were at this juncture in ecstasies over Hood's 
wild rush from the outside of that city to the outside of 
Allatoona and Chattanooga. Directly Hood commenced 
moving they had represented Sherman as outwitted, or 

* Nichols, The Story of the Great March (London, 1865). Sherman's 
Eeport (No. 2) from Savannah, Georgia, January 1, 1865, La Campagne 
de Georgie, by E.Szabad (officer on Grant's staff), Bevue des Deux Mondes, 
Juin 15, 1865, IngersoU, Iowa and the EebclUon (Philadelphia, 1867). 



Ch. IX. PUESUIT OP HOOD BY SHEEMAIT. 303 



* seized with the paralysis of despair.' Now some boldly 
made out that all the ground passed over by Hood had 
been '^recovered.' Suddenly came a turn in the state of 
affairs — a manifest change, which was to make them first 
stare and affectedly grin, then wonder and quake, then, 
at last, howl with very despair. Instead of troubling 
further about Hood, after driving him to Gadsden, 
Sherman deliberatel}^ faced about, and strode south again, 
to accomplish his great march from Atlanta, through 
Georgia, to the sea. Full details of that achie vement will 
not be entered into here ; but before giving a very brief 
sketch of it, it will be well to see the w^ay in which the 
movement was finally arranged and agreed upon by Grant 
and Sherman. Sometimes by special messenger, when 
possible by telegraphing via Washington and the zigzag 
lines through Kentucky and Tennessee, the two generals 
kept each other Avell informed of their circumstances and 
ideas. The correspondence which resulted in Sherman's 
prolonged movement shows that the Lieutenant-General 
before Petersburg comprehended perfectly the state of 
affairs in Georgia, and was of one mind with his trusty 
general on the spot, as to the true and fitting policy for 
the work yet to their hands. A very little while after 
the capture of Atlanta, Sherman had written to Lieute- 
nant-General Grant, suggesting that he should continue 
on an offensive campaign by moving on for the Atlantic 
coast, fighting Hood if, as then seemed probable. Hood 
strove to obstruct him. Grant replied to this on Sep- 
tember 12, countenancing the idea, and intimating that he 
was organising an expedition both against Wilmington 
and Savannah (North Carolina and Georgia) which would 
have an important facilitative influence on Sherman's pro- 
jected movement. Sherman then sent back a special letter, 

* by Colonel Porter,' in which, after commenting on some 



304 GRANT'S C.43IPAiaX AG.41NST RICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



details on which Grant wished his opinion, he expressed 
himself as prepared for his own portion of the business, 
viz., to ^keep Hood employed and put my army in 
final order for a march on Augusta, Columbia, and 
Charleston, to be ready, as soon as Wilmington is sealed 
to commerce, and the city of Savannah is in our pos- 
session.' 

The co-operative expedition to Wilmington, however, 
was not to take place till much later, as Sherman soon 
learned. Thus matters stood at the end of September, 
when Hood's movement to Sherman's rear occurred, and 
soon showed itself to Sherman as — what less keen or 
resolute minds might have failed to perceive — the very 
opportunity for the execution of his march. From the 
vicinity of Rome, five days after the relief of Allatoona, 
he telegraphed to Grant as follows : — 

' Centreville, Ga, October 10 : noon. 

* Dispatch about Wilson just received. Hood is now 
crossing Coosa River, 12 miles below Rome, bound west. 
If he passes over the Mobile and^Ohio Road, had I not 
better execute the plan of my letter sent by Colonel 
Porter, and leave General Thomas, with the troops now 
in Tennessee, to defend the State? He will have an 
ample force when the reinforcements ordered reach 
Nashville. 

* W. T. Sherman, Major-General. 

' Lieutenant-General Grant.' 

This message, sent by a course which, it will be safe to 
say, exceeded 1,000 miles, reached Grant's head-quarters 
in less than twelve hours. The Lieutenant- General read 
and reflected, consulted the map probably, and penned 
the following reply, in which, it will be seen hereafter, 
he accurately appreciated the feasibility of Sherman's 



Ch. IX. TELEQEAMS OE GRANT AND SHERMAN. 305 

plan, and also marvellously divined the course Hood would 
pursue. 

* City Point, Va., October 11, 1864: 11 a.m. 

^ Your despatch of October 10 received. Does it not 
look as if Hood was going to attempt the invasion of 
Middle Tennessee, using the Mobile and Ohio and 
Memphis and Charleston Roads to supply his base on 
the Tennessee Kiver, about Florence or Decatur ? If 
he does this, he ought to be met and prevented going 
north of the Tennessee River. If you were to cut loose 
I do not believe you would meet Hood's army, but would 
be bushwhacked by all the old men, little boys, and such 
railway guards as are left at home. Hood would pro- 
bably strike for Nashville, thinking that by going north 
he could inflict greater damage upon us than we could 
upon the Rebels by going south. If there is any way of 
getting at Hood's army, I would prefer that ; but I must 
trust to your own judgment. I find I shall not be able 
to send a force from here to act with you on Savannah. 
Your movements, therefore, will be independent of mine ; 
at least, until the fall of Richmond takes place. I am 
afraid Thomas, with such lines of roads as he has to pro- 
tect, could not prevent Hood from going north. With 
Wilson turned loose, with all your cavalry, you will find 
the Rebels put much more on the defensive than here- 
tofore. 

' U. S. Gkant, Lieutenant-General. 

' Major-G-eneral W. T. Sherman.' 

Before the day was over, but after sunset. Grant 
received another message from Georgia. Sherman was 
now eager to get his chief's sanction for the great march. 
He panted like a very Hotspur to be on the offensive 
again. The hour date is the same as Grant's. The two 

X 



306 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST RICmiOXD, Ch. IX. 



generals, 700 miles apart in a straight line, had been 
simultaneously addressing each other. 

' Kingston, Ga., October 11: 11 a.m. 

^ Hood moved his army from Palmetto Station across 
by Dallas and Cedartown, and is now on the Coosa 
Kiver, south of Kome. He threw one corps on my road 
at Ackworth, and I was forced to follow. I hold Atlanta 
with the 20th corps, and have strong detachments along 
my line. This reduces my active force to a comparatively 
small body. He cannot remain here on the defensive. 
With the 25,000 men and the bold cavalry he has, he can 
constantly break my roads. I would infinitely prefer to 
make a wreck of the road and of the country from Chat- 
tanooga to Atlanta, including the latter city ; send back 
all my wounded and worthless ; anal, with my effective 
army, move through Georgia, smashing things, to the sea. 
Hood may turn into Tennessee and Kentucky, but I 
believe he will be forced to follow me. Instead of my 
being on the defensive, I would be on the offensive ; 
instead of o-uessino; at what he means to do, he would 
have to guess at my plans. The differ ence in war is full 
twenty-five per cent. I can make Savannah, Charleston, 
or the mouth of the Chattahoochie. 

* Answer quick, as I know vre will not have the tele- 
graph long. 

' W. T. Shermax, Major-General. 

' Lieutenant-General Grant.' 

To this despatch the Lieutenant-General promptly re- 
turned this brief but sufficient ansv\^er, which closed this 
important series of telegrams : — 

' City Point, Va., October 11, 1864: 11.30 p.ir. 
' Your despatch of to-day received. If you are satis- 
fied the trip to the sea-coast can be made, holding the 



-Ch. IX. GPxANT SAXCTIOXS THE ' GEEAT 3IAECH/ 



307 



line of tlie Tennessee River firmly, you may make it, 
destroying all the railroad south of Dalton or Chattanooga, 
as you think best. 

' U. S. Gkaxt, Lieutenant-General. 

' Major-G-eneral W. T. Sherman.' 

General Thomas, to whom Sherman was about to 
leave the command of Tennessee, had already arrived 
in Xashville. Besides the troops which were being for- 
warded to Thomas from various posts in the North, Sher- 
man turned over to him two corps, with the able General 
Schofield, to act under him. This reduced the strength 
of Sherman's army to about 60,000 men. 

Meanwhile Hood, at Gadsden, was making ready 
for a plunge north, and fresh levies of militia and rein- 
forcements from Mississippi were being concentrated for 
him at Decatur, Alabama, a little to the west of his 
head-quarters. 

By the end of October Sherman had fulfilled the words 
of his proposition to Grant — made a wreck of the road 
and of the country from Chattanooga to Atlanta. Ail 
the troops taken out of the now destroyed garrison posts 
were incorporated with his army, which was concentrated 
at Atlanta, numbering 60,000 infantry and about 6,000 
cavalry. From Atlanta Sherman sent a brief parting 
message to his far-off friends. In a few days he was 
going to destroy Atlanta, and entirely sever himself from 
communication with the Xorth, 

By that time Hood was crossing the Tennessee boun- 
dary line. Behold, then, these two armies, for months 
inseparable, now parting by mutual consent ; literally so, 
for Hood began to edge to the north before Sherman 
turned back from Gadsden, and the latter had already 
decided on the reverse movement. ' Let him go north,' 



308 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. IX. 



he said of Hood. ^ Our business lies south. Thomas 
will take care of him. I am all right.' 

On November 12 Atlanta was destroyed and set on 
fire. The army was camped outside the city. On the 
16th it commenced moving in two columns for the sea. 
The incident with which the march commenced — the 
destruction of Atlanta — was the key-note of the policy 
Sherman now developed. He commenced the march 
with the avowed object of crushing the strength, moral 
and material, of the South. He believed it expedient to 
destroy the enemy's resources as the surest means of 
bringing him under, and had made up his mind (as had, 
in a broad sense. Grant) to the adoption of severe and 
exacting measures, of which, unfortunately, but too many 
precedents existed in the records of old world wars. 
^ War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it,' he had said, 
in defence of his first hard proceeding — the removal of 
the population of Atlanta. 

Threatening Macon, occupying Milledgeville — mo"^dng 
in two or more columns of infantry, while the cavalry 
slipped on to the immediate vicinity of Augusta, on the 
Carolina border — Sherman's army marched right through 
the heart of Georgia, and by December 10 arrived at the 
sea-coast, at about ten miles from Savannah. 

During the march the army subsisted on the country, 
and as Georgia was, compared with the other Southern 
States, a magazine of delicacies, the troops had an agree- 
able time of it. It is to be deplored that much needless 
ravage and hardship was inflicted on the country, how- 
ever, by the foraging parties. These went out daily on 
each flank of the army columns, and returned at night 
well laden.* In the last days of November, when the 

* ' Farm waggons were confiscated and filled with provisions — ^,]'ars of 
jelly, preserves, pickles and honey, baskets of sweet potatoes, and legs of 
bacon.' — Coffin, Four Years of Fighting, p. 399. 



Cii. IX. 



THE MAECH TO THE SEA. 



309 



army readied Millen^ a little town and railway junc- 
tion, tlie troops beheld with tlieir own eyes a prison-pen, 
in which, till just before, Federal prisoners had been 
confined. For a long time reports had reached the 
ISTorth that shocking treatment now befell the thousands 
of prisoners held by the Confederates. The sight of the 
prison-pen at jMillen may explain and excuse much of 
the ravages which Sherman's army performed as it marched 
on. A space of ground about 300 feet square was the 
enclosure in which thousands of unfortunate Federal pri- 
soners had lain for months, exposed to heavy dews, biting- 
frosts, and. pelting rains, without a board or a tent to 
protect them, with insufficient rations, and with insuf- 
ficient clothiug. Greater still were the horrors of two 
other Southern prison-pens — Andersonville, in the north 
of Georgia, and Salisbury, JSTorth Carolina; and the 
thouo;ht of these thino-s mio-ht well steel the hearts of 
Sherman's soldiers.* 

As a military operation the march from Atlanta to the 
sea was magnificently performed, and of its vast influence 
towards closing the v,'ar, of the irreparable blow it in- 
flicted on the battered body of ^ The Confederate States,' 
the on-coming year 1865 was to bring astounding evi- 
dence. Looking at the total absence of efficient resis- 
tance to Sherman, and the richness of the country passed 
through, ]Mr. Pollard attempts to detract from the praise 
which eminent critics have bestowed on him. But this 
Southern historian, though we may believe him to be 
speaking candidly, forgets that Sherman had already 

* For the sufferings of Federal captives in Confederate prisons, see the 
testimony of the trial of Captain "Wirtz (1865), also Abbott's Prison Life 
in the South i^e^ York, lS6o); and Eiehardson's Field, Dungeon, &c., 
(the interesting narrative of the long captivity and ultimate escape of an 
able newspaper correspondent.) 



310 



aRANT'S C.ITJP.IIGN ACtAINST EICH3I0XD. Ch. IX. 



overcome tlie utmost opposition tliat was offered Mm by 
the skilfulness of Johnson and the fnrv of Hood ; forgets 
that Sherman's commissariat was so well organised as to 
have been sufficient for his march had he needed it to be ; 
and neglects paying attention to the masterly manner in 
which Sherman moved, spreading terror of attack to many 
places that he did not visit, mystifying the enemy com- 
pletely till he w^as w^ell down tow^ards Savannah. 

The net results accomplished from the leaving of 
Atlanta Avere, that Sherman's army had marched over 
three hundred miles in twenty-four days, directly through 
the heart of Georgia ; had destroyed one hundred million 
dollars' worth of enemy's property ; had lost but one or 
tvro hundred men; and had reached the sea with its sub- 
sistence trains intact, with great additions in some of the 
staples of provision — in beef, cattle, corn, and vegetables ; 
and with 10,000 liberated negroes (labourers the less to 
the slaveholding enemy), freemen thenceforward for ever. 



Ch. X. 



VISIT OF GEAXT TO SHEEIDAN. 



311 



CHAPTEE X. 

COXQUEST OF THE SHE^-A^-DOAH VALLEY BY SHERIDA>'. — CLOSER IXTE5T- 

ME>'T or EICHMOXD AXD PETERSBVEG. OYERTHROT^" OF HOOD BY THOiTAS 

I>- TEE YTEST. 

Impoetaxt operations took place in Virginia very soon 
after the date on whicli we left it to revievr tlie campaign 
in the ^Test. As we closed for that purpose the penulti- 
mate chapter, we saw Greneral Grant leaving the camp 
before Petersburg to visit the army in the Shenandoah 
Yallev. His mission was to inaugurate a movement 
which should anniliilate the enemy's inferior forces in that 
region, clear the neighbourhood of Harper's Ferry, reheve 
Maryland and Pennsylvania of the alarm which still pre- 
vailed in them, and do the same harm, material and moral, 
to the State of Viroinia that Sherman's invasion had done 
to Georgia. It was not vnthout deliberate consideration 
that he resolved to attempt this, for in the event of 
failure or defeat in a pitched battle, the greatest inconve- 
nience would result. He journeyed to the spot himself, 
therefore, to make sure of the cliaracter of the com- 
mander he was about to employ. Xone of his subordi- 
nates could well be more familiar to him, for General 
Sheridan had served in the West, had followed him in 
Virginia as far as he had got, and had been only six 
weeks before selected by him to fill the command in the 
Shenandoah. But the brilliant cavalry leader was very 
young, the movement up the valley very arduous, and 
the Lieutenant-General wished to look his executive ofiicer 



312 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICH3I0ND. Ch. X. 



in the face, see how he took the order, and hear his first 
remark. Ere he had got through the interview Grant 
was satisfied. The following is his own record of the 
conference : — * Fearing to telegraph the order for an at- 
tack mthout knowino; more than I did of General Sheri- 
dan's feelings as to- what would be the probable result, I 
left City Point on September 15 to visit him at his head- 
quarters, to decide, after conference with him, what should 
be done. I met him at Charleston, and he pointed out so 
distinctly how each army lay, Tvhat he could do the mo- 
ment he was authorised, and expressed such confidence of 
success, that I saw there were but two Avords of instruc- 
tion necessary — Go in!'* 

Hitherto the Shenandoah Valley had been a valley of 
humiliation for the Federals. In the commencement of 
this work have been recounted the splendid victories 
Stonewall Jackson gained in it. The great chief had 
been for many years a resident in the heart of the valley ; 
was indeed a native of the north-west region of Virginia, 
Of that noble State the valley Avas perhaps the choicest 
part — supreme in the beauty of its natural features, richest 
in produce — its people fully equalling the rest of their 
countrymen in those qualities of strength and valour from 
which Virginia already held an unsurpassed glory. In 
this sequestered valley, little known to the outside world 
before the war, but mighty in their own State, lived many 
of the ^ first families of Virginia.' These had now long 
experienced the events of war ; and the campaigns in the 
Shenandoah were like the shakings of a kaleidoscope. 
By force of revulsion possibly, from their former quiet 
state, the people of the valley had become — the non-com- 
batants, the old, the young, and the women especially — 

* Granfs 'Rt.'port, p. 17. The Charleston at which the interview took 
place is a little A'illage not far from Harper's Ferry. 



Ch. X. 



THE PEOPLE OF THE T.ILLEY. 



the most ardent of patriots and the most bitter of enemies. 
The ^ Yankees/ whom ther so much vituperated, might 
well have revived for their benefit the epithet of ' malig- 
nants.' , During the temporary Federal occupations, how- 
ever, no unusual hardships had been dealt out to the 
inhabitants of the Shenandoah, and it is probable that, 
swallowing those common annoyances which fall to all 
theatres of military operations, they were yet more pleased 
with than tired of the war, so much had the balance of 
success preponderated, under their eyes, to their cham- 
pions. The father, mother, or sister might sometimes see 
their ^ boy ' charging along in victorious ranks, past the 
fields of the farm, or their very door, and the sight would 
doubtless compensate them for the detested residence 
with them for some time before of the retreating Yankees. 

Up to 1864 so constant had victory been to the Con- 
federates in the Shenandoah, that whenever the blue- 
coated Federals, constant in trying, re-appeared, the 
women of the valley (rich or poor. Southern of South- 
erners, Virginian of Virginians) would scream out, 'AYe've 
seen men with your coloured clothes go up this valley 
afore, and we've seen 'em come back this way a mighty 
sight faster than they went up.'* 

The raid of General Hunter momentarily confounded 
the valley ; but when Lee answered by pouring forth 
Early from the valley into Maryland, the old confidence 
was restored, and the assumption of Federal command by 
Sheridan in August was not looked upon as clouding the 
prospect. The people of the valley knew not what was 
coming. 

Till Grant gave him the word, Sheridan refrained from 

* Baked Muifs of the Faueral, ip. 299. The author, Colonel Halpine 
(the facetious ' Miles O'Eeilly'), took part in Hunter's raid, and gives his 
' Recollections ' of it. 



314 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



seriously assuming the offensive. At first lie aclvanced 
up the valley, but quickly found Early's forces showing 
a firm front. At this time they were elated and full of 
spirits, from their late raid into Maryland. They made 
an attack on Merritt's division of cavalry, and, although 
they w^ere successfully beaten off, Sheridan judged best 
to fall back to the neighbourhood of Winchester (August 
17). A severe engagement follow^ed on the 21st, after 
v/hich Early possessed Winchester. A few other skirmishes 
with varying success took place during the end of the 
month and the fore part of September, but without effect- 
ing any changes in the position of the two armies. Sheri- 
dan's forces lay about Berry ville, on the east side of the 
little tributary of the Potomac known as Opequan Creek ; 
his head-quarters w^ere at Charleston. Early's forces 
held Winchester and all the other side of the Opequan 
Creek. 

Punctual to his promise to General Grant, Sheridan 
opened his tremendous ^ go in ' early on the mo"rning of 
the 19th. 'His army numbered over 40,000 men — about 
33,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry. He was to have 
that extreme numerical advantage over the enemy w^hich 
Federal determination and Confederate exhaustion estab- 
lished as a rule in all the great battles of the concluding 
year of the w^ar ; not (be it remembered to the credit of 
the North) in all the small battles. In many a little fight, 
unnoticed by the historian, or briefly named without de- 
scription, the numbers were to the disadvantage of the 
Federals. The force with which General Jubal Early 
had to contend against Sheridan's powerful army was, 
according to his own statement, but a little over 12,000 
men, of which about 2,000 were cavalry. Sheridan be- 
gan the attack with his infantry, which crossed the 
Opequan Creek between five and six o'clock in the morn- 



Ch. X. 



BATTLE OF WINCHESTER. 



315 



inff, and the battle was soon ragino- in front of Winchester. 
Masses of troops pressed the Confederate thin lines. But 
during all the morning the thin lines held their ground. 
It would seem that Early's artillery, which was good and 
numerous (the only branch of his force that was of due 
numbers), was the chief means of his bearing up against 
the Federal host. The way in which his men fought, 
too, was beyond all praise. Owing to the play of the 
artillery, Sheridan's losses exceeded Early's. The thick 
masses of the Federals were so much better targets than 
the Confederate bodies, scattered as much as they could 
securely be. The Federal General Russell was killed 
by a cannon-ball. The fighting w^ent on more furiously 
as the afternoon came. Three Federal generals were 
wounded — Upton, M'Intosh, and Chapman. Two Con- 
federate generals (Rhodes and Goodwin) were killed, and 
four wounded — ^York, Wharton, Lee, and Ramseur. 
Both sides were suffering heavily, in their proportions, in 
men. All Sheridan's infantry were now deployed, form- 
ing a line of nearly three miles in length. Early, as a 
last resource, massed troops on his left flank, about three 
o'clock, to attempt the demolishment of the Federal right. 
But Sheridan foiled this by putting there Crook's corps^, 
which till then had been kept in reserve. Still the Con- 
federates fought on.* Meanwhile, since nine in the 
morning, a few of their divisions, quite disconnected, far 
down the Opequan Creek, had been striving to hold in 
check the main portion of the Federal cavalry, which was 
endeavouring to force its way to that left flank of Early 
with which he was making his last effort. In opening the 

^ Sheridan's Despatches, September 19 and 20, 1864. New YorJc 
Herald, Correspondent's Letter, Winchester, September 19. Early, Memoir, 
Pollard, Lost Cause. Swinton, Cam'paigns of the Army of the Potomac, 
Ingersoll, loiva and the BehelUon. 



SI 6 G-BANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



fcattle General Sheridan had only retained Wilson's divi- 
sion of cavalry to operate vdth. his infantry, and had sent 
General Torbert, with perhaps 6,000 men, to cross the 
Opequan Creek at Burn's Ford, twelve miles north of 
Winchester, and operate against the portion of the 
enemy's forces he might find there, which otherwise 
might have endangered his right flank. Crossing easilj^, 
Torbert pressed his antagonists towards the south relent- 
lessly. They resisted vsdth vigour, doing all that men 
could do to shield their main body from this further addi- 
tion to the odds against it. They turned and fought ever 
and anon, as they were gradually forced back. Naught 
would avail, however; and being forced back more rapidly 
in the afternoon hours, pursuers and pursued arrived on 
the big battle-field before Winchester at about four 
o'clock. General Sheridan rode out to meet Torbert's 
squadrons as they came in on the extreme right, and he 
proposed to their commander what, hard as they had been 
working, they were quite ready for — an immediate charge, 
in conjunction with the infantry, on the weakened and 
worn-out enemy. It was made with tremendous effect. 
As Early's troops, dispirited by the falling of so many of 
their officers — whose valour largely influenced them in 
keeping up — were already beginning to waver, the Federal 
cavalry bugles sounded, and Torbert's splendid squadrons 
dashed in on them. Gallantly led on by two division com- 
manders, Custer and Merritt — ^eacli Avith head-quarters' 
flag in hand ' — the Federal horse carried all before it. 
General Early gave the order for retreat, and as the 
shades of evening fortunately came on, the Confederates 
hurried through Winchester, and, covered by the dark- 
ness, fled south. Sad were the people of Winchester as 
the tokens struck them that the defeat was a serious one. 
As their cherished grey-coated champions came rushing 



Ch. X. 



BATTLE OF FISHEE'S HILL. 



317 



through ia retreat, the ladies came out in the streets and 
entreated them to fight on still. These fair enthusiasts 
in a bad cause stood out at their doors heedless of the 
bullets, and refused to go in out of harm's way ; careless 
of their own safety, in the excitement of disaster.* 

By the next day Winchester had become ^ one vast 
hospital.' Sheiidan's losses were 6,000. Early's killed 
and wounded did not exceed 2,000, but he lost 2,000 as 
prisoners. Besides these, Sheridan got as trophies five 
cannon and fifteen battle flags. Though his losses were 
the heavier, indisputable victory gilded the helm of the 
young ISTorthern general. But greater success was to 
follow. On the 21st he came up with the retreating 
enemy. Early had rested in a very strong position at 
Fisher's Hill, near Strasburg, about twenty miles south 
of Winchester. His army was disposed on the * north 
fork ' of the Shenandoah Kiver, extending westward to the 
North Mountain, a ridge running north and south. It 
was a very strong natural position, and the Confederates, 
warned by Winchester, had strengthened themselves by 
throwing up the customary rough fortifications. After 
much manoeuvring, on the 22nd, Crook's corps and 
Averill's cavalry division were transferred to the extreme 
right, and stormed the Confederate flank, restiug on the 
North Mountain. The Federal centre and left (6 th and 
19th corps) attacked simultaneously, and the enemy's 
whole line broke and fled in confusion, for Averill's 
cavalry were already some miles in the rear, charging and 
capturing guns, supply waggons, and their guards. It 
was nearly dusk when the Confederates turned and fled ; 
by the most intense exertions they had then held their 
ground all day, otherwise the disaster would have been 

* Times' correspondence from Virginia, October, 1865. G-ilmor, Four 
Years ill the Saddle, p. 260. Ingersoll, Iowa and the BebcUion. 



li 



318 GE ANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. X. 



exhaustive. ^ The darkness only saved Early's army 
from total destruction,' reported Sheridan. As it was, 
the victory of Fisher's Hill in some respects surpassed 
Winchester. The Federal commander had captured 
20 guns, 1,100 prisoners, a large amount of ammunition, 
caissons, limbers, small arms, and entrenching tools, with 
but small loss to himself. And now the whole of the 
Shenandoah Valley lay open to hun.* 

It was from no lack of vigour that Sheridan could not 
complete the destruction of the foe whom he had defeated. 
Only by extreme speed could Early and his army keep 
ahead of the victorious Federals. Pursuit was made on 
the night of the battle from Fisher's Hill to Woodstock, 
twelve miles south ; whilst two divisions of cavalry went 
on further down the Luray Yalley. On the 24th, after 
driving Early's rear-guard from Mount Jackson, Sheridan 
pushed on to Newmarket, and six miles beyond (nearly 
forty miles south of Fisher's Hill). Thence, during the 
closing days of the month, he went on to Harrisonburg, 
Staunton, and Waynesboro' (eighty-five miles south of 
Winchester). The only representatives of the Confederate 
forces to resist this movement were small bands of gue- 
rillas, or cavalry turned guerillas for the nonce. As it 
was to be expected that Early would be reinforced, and 
endeavour to regain or make it difficult to hold all the 
southern portion of the valley which had now been 
acquired, Sheridan set about destroying the railroads and 
wasting the country, in accordance with instructions he 
received from General Grant. At Staunton he had in 
his grasp a portion of the Virginia Central Kailroad, and 
the country round about was at his mercy. He raised 
his hand and let it fall heavily on the fair valley. Grant's 
instructions were severe : ' Do all the darnage you can 

* SliCi'idan^s Dcsjyatch s. Isew York newspapers. 



Ch. X. 



HOT PUESUIT OF EARLY. 



319 



to tlie railroad and crops ; carry off all stock of all de- 
scriptions, and negroes, so as to prevent furtlier planting. 
If the war is to continue another year, let the Shenan- 
doah Yalley remain a barren waste.'* 

Sheridan fulfilled this order to the letter. Nay more ; 
his anger and indignation having been aroused by the 
killing of one of his officers in what he considered a 
murderous manner by some guerillas, he countenanced 
an act as retribution which, considered as it is, with the 
war over, appears savage and unjust. The houses of all 
the people in an area of five miles round the spot where 
the officer was killed were burned. It must be remem- 
bered, to the extenuation of Sheridan and the Federals, 
that Early, but three months before, had authorised 
ravages and destruction of private property in the North. 
Early, in defence of his action then, had termed it retali- 
ation for the destruction done by Hunter in May and 
June. Were we to dilate on the subject, we should find 
that Hunter had in his mind some Confederate misdeeds 
which he thought justified his course ; and Sherman's 
argument, be its worth great or little, applied of course 
to the Shenandoah as well as to Georgia — ' War is 
cruelty, and you cannot refine it.' The extent and 
character of the tribulation that Sheridan meted out to the 
valley can be best told in his own words. In a despatch 
to General Grant from Woodstock, October 7, he re- 
ported thus : — ' In moving back to this point the whole 
country, from the Blue Ridge to the North Mountain, has 
been made untenable for a Rebel army. I have de- 
stroyed over 2,000 barns filled with wheat and hay and 
farming implements, over 70 mills filled with flour and 
wheat ; have driven in front of the army four herd of 
stock ; and have killed and issued to the troops not less 

'^'^ New York newspapers. 



320 GEANT'S aOIPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



than 3,000 sheep. This destruction embraces the Luray 
Valley and Little Fort Valley, as well as the main valley. 
A large number of horses have been obtained, a proper 
estimate of which I cannot now make. Lieutenant John 
R. Meigs, my engineer officer, was murdered beyond 
Harrisonburg, near Dayton. For this atrocious act all 
the houses mthin an area of five miles were burned. 
Since I came into the valley from Harper's Ferry, every 
train, every small party, and every straggler, has been 
bushwhacked by the people, many of whom have pro- 
tection passes from commanders who have been hitherto 
in that valley. The people here are getting sick of the 
war. Heretofore they have had no reason to complain, 
because they have been living in great abundance.' 

Early's army, reduced in numbers by the battles of 
Winchester and Fisher's Hill, and with many of its 
cavalry men now detached in small bands as scouts or 
guerillas, offered no efficient resistance to this destruc- 
tion. Not yet reinforced, though daily expecting to be. 
General Early had to draw on the not fully-developed 
youth of the population around Lynchburg and Char- 
lottsville for recruits to prevent the further advance of 
Sheridan's cavalry parties.* But Sheridan's main army 
did not advance on Lynchburg. Though it was unmis- 
takably quelling the spirit of the valley, by its victories 
and devastations, it did not emulate, in audacity of ad- 
vance, the smaller expedition of Hunter. In accordance 
with the tenor of the communications he was receiving 
from Grant, Sheridan retired to Woodstock on October 7. 

* ' A compaBy of reserves, composed of boys under eigliteen years of age, 
which had been employed on special duty at Staunton, had moved to Eock 
Fish Gap, and another company of reserves from Cbarlottesville, with two 
pieces of artillery, had moved to the same point, and when the enemy ad- 
vanced towards the tunnel, and before he got in range of the guns, they 
were opened, and he retired to Waynesboro'.' — Early's Memoir, p. 97. 



Ch. X. 



GENEEAL EARLY. 



321 



Falling back yet a little more, he snatched another success 
— smaller than a battle, greater than a skirmish — -on the 
9th, at Cedar Creek. The enemy's cavalry, augmented 
in strength and commanded by a fresh officer (Rosser), 
was beaten off by the two officers, Merritt and Custer, 
who had led so dashingly at Winchester. Eleven more 
guns and two or three hundred prisoners were taken 
from the enemy in this encounter, provoked by himself. 
Sheridan reported, with Irish glee at fighting, that he had 
kept the enemy on the jump for twenty-six miles.' His 
men called the affair ^ Woodstock E.aces.' 

Thinking that this defeat would keep Early perfectly 
quiet, Sheridan took up a strong position on the Cedar 
Creek (near Fisher's Hill), proposing to hold it and rest 
there a time ; dominating,^ to a certain extent, the wdiole 
valley. The Federal commander was slightly mistaken 
in his idea of the views of his opponent. Two heavy 
defeats, capped by a damaging cavalry skirmish, might 
have shaken the nerves of some generals, but in Jubal 
Early the Confederates had a somewhat eccentric man at 
their head ; and though lack of fair chance allowed him not 
to achieve such operations as to show him to be certainly 
a military genius, he was an indomitable fighter. Though 
he might look grim and fierce after each defeat, he yet 
possessed in reality a perfect firmness for meeting re- 
verses. After Winchester, he astonished General Breck- 
enridge, as they rode off together from the field, by 
addressing to him remarks and questions on indifferent 
subjects in a perfectly calm tone. General Early, then, 
was quite prepared, as far as spirits went, to try the 
fortunes of another battle. He would have to fight 
superior numbers, he considered ; but there seemed to 
be no probability of other proportions ever being at his 
option, and Confederate valour had often triumphed over 

Y 



"322 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. X. 



superior numbers. He had received reinforcements from 
Richmond, and with them a letter from General Lee, 
saying that the gaining of a victory in the valley would 
be very beneficial, if it could by any possibility be com- 
passed. With this partial authorisation of his chief 
Early's own inclination jumped. His position was un- 
enviable. The affection and res[)ect of his troops was 
probably somewhat alienated from him ; in Richmond 
people were very dissatisfied with the Shenandoah Valley 
chief; and wags unkindly marked some of the fresh 
cannon sent to him with the ironical address, ' General 
Sheridan, care of General Early.' * 

The Shenandoah Yalley lay half conquered by the 
severe treatment of the Federal army of occupation. A 
battle lost by Early would complete the subjugation — 
gained, would deliver it, and compensate for all the 
reverses of the summer. On the morning of October 19 
• — exactly one month after the battle of Winchester — 
Early cast the die. He had about the same forces as at 
Winchester — accordins; to his own statement a little over 
12,000, according to the Federal estimate at least 20,000. 
The Federal forces were about the same as at that battle, 
save that the cavalry was a little less. Sheridan himself 
was away from camp. Marching silently up to the fords and 
bridge of Cedar Creek before daylight. Early crossed his 
army with great celerity, and fell furiously on the Federal 
left flank. It was overthrown quickly ; officers and men 
of the Federals were completely taken by surprise. The 
divisions of the left communicated something like a panic 
to the whole army, although General Wright, left in 
command, worked with great ability to bring the troops 
into a firm condition. But Early pressed his advantage, 

* Lawley, Last Six Days of Sccessia. Fortnightly Eevieiv, August 15, 
1865. 



Ch. X. 



BA.TTLE OF MIDDLETOWN. 



323 



and by two bold charges succeeded in capturing a number 
of the guns of the Federals. Eighteen guns were in the 
hands of the Confederates ; that seemed indeed an omen 
of returning good luck to Early. Soon the whole Fede- 
ral lines fell back. They abandoned their camp ; they 
fell back two miles on the Middletown road, just as a 
dense fog came on to give special advantages to each 
side. All this occurred before ten o'clock a.m. General 
Early turned the eighteen captured pieces, together with 
his own, on the still Avavering Federals, whom Wright 
was energetically rallying and re-forming. Early still 
thought he could sweep them before him, however. The 
play of his artillery was throwing them into disorder 
again, and he immediately ordered his troops forward to 
secure the position, and complete the discomfiture of the 
Federals. But a sad disappointment now presented itself 
to General Early. Absorbed v/ith the action, and much 
of the field being hid from him by fog and smoke, he had 
not noticed that many of his men, including commissioned 
officers even, were leaving their ranks to spoil the camp 
which the Federals had abandoned to them. The temp- 
tations were so great to ill-equipped and ill-supplied 
troops, that, fearful of being behindhand, the greater 
portion of tlie whole army were soon at work helping 
themselves to the stores and paraphernalia which lay 
about — reckless, or defiant even, of discipline. General 
Early fruitlessly reiterated his orders for an advance ; 
vainly endeavoured, by his officers and personally, to 
coerce the shameless plunderers into co-operation with 
the few divisions which, with the artillery, were carrying 
on the fight "'^ It was a cruel coup for ^ General Jubal.' 

^ ' A silly story was circulated, and even published in the papers, that 
this battle was planned and conducted by one of my subordinates up to a 
certain point, when my arrival on the field stopped the pursuit and arrested 

Y 2 



324 GRANT'S ai:\IPAIGX AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. X. 



Till now all had been success ; he had thrown the Federals 
into a state of semi-demoralisation ; now the misbe- 
haviour of his own troops prevented him from giving 
the victorious completion, he believed in his power, to 
the battle.* 

Meanwhile a solitary horseman was galloping down 
the road from Winchester to Middletown, and at last came 
toiling on to the battle-field, with flushed cheeks but re- 
solute countenance. 

It was General Sheridan, who having slept at Winchester 
the night before, on liis way to Washington, had received 
in the early morning the tidings of the surprise of his 
army, and had instantly mounted and started down the 
Middletown road. At eleven o'clock he rode on to the 
battle-field, amid thundering cheers ; the troops electrified 
by his arrival — he himself in the greatest excitement, 
wavino'his hat, and shouting out words of encouraofement. 
The position of his army was still critical, although Wright 
rallied the men into fairly firm order, and no charge (from 
the causes just stated) was coming from the Confederates. 
Instantly Sheridan resolved not to rest content with 
holding his ground, but to strive for victory. Every 
nerve was strained to get the army into an attacking 
condition. Sheridan rode along the front from left to 
right, and his looks and words re-animated the men. His 
fiery Irish nature seemed to embrace the prospect of the 
fight, undecided as it still was, with rapture. There was 
no doubt of its issue in his mind. * We'll lick them out of 

the victory. No officer or soldier on tliat day received an order from me to 
halt, unless he were going to the rear.' Early's Memoir, p. 114, n. 

*• The authoress of Richmond during the War received from a young 
officer in Early's army the following brief but expressive statement : ' We 
lost the day by the insane search for plunder. Some of our men seemed to 
forget their honour as soldiers in the mad hunt for Yankee gimcracks and 
the spoils of the enemy's camp,' — p. 332, n. 



Ch. X. 



SHERIDAK TO THE RESCUE. 



325 



their boots yet,' he called out, pomting to the Con- 
federates ; 'We'll have all those cannon back again.' 
Having re-disposed his cavalry, with Merritt and Custer 
as usual to the fore, at three o'clock he advanced his whole 
line. The troops charged marvellously well, considering 
the shock they had received in the morning. 

The Confederates at first made a stubborn resistance, 
though at this juncture their ranks were thinned by the 
absence of some men engaged in plunder; but the 
Federal cavalry once again took the initiative of success. 
With rage and grief Early saw his men give way before 
those splendid squadrons of mounted rifles which had 
become their chief dread. Soon he found these penetrat- 
ing towards his rear, and that the cannon captured in 
the morning were falling into their hands, followed by 
many others. The general did all that a man could to 
stop his disordered lines from giving way to a rout, for a 
rout was fast coming on. The whole of Sheridan's army 
was pressing his front, and hopeless panic seized on his 
men. Several times Early tried personally to rally re- 
treating divisions. Now with entreaties, now with oaths 
and curses, he strove to stem the tide of fugitives. He 
called out to them that it was yet time ; that, would they 
but imitate the example of the few who were still 
bravely battling, the substantial points of victory might 
yet be secured. Bat squad after squad, and whole divi- 
sions, went by panic-stricken. Believing that there was 
still a chance would they but make a stand, the rugged 
veteran rushed into their midst towards the last, and 
shouted out, in accents of despair, ' My God, won't any 
of my men make a rally round old Jubal ? ' * But all 
was in vain. As the day closed, Early's army fled wildly 

' Nary rally, General,' a soldier is said to have answered him with tnio 
American nonchalance. Pollard, Lost Cause, p. 602, n. 



326 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



for the Upper Valley ; it vanished into darkness, never 
again seriously to make head. The Shenandoah Valley, 
though it might be left unoccupied, was practically a con- 
quered land. Sheridan had reduced it in exactly one 
month. On the 1 9th September he ' went in ; ' on the 19th 
October, in the severest of his one, two, three of battles, 
lie had, in Grant's congratulatory words, ^turned what bade 
fair to be disaster into a glorious victory,' and crushed all 
spirit of resistance in the region which had been the most 
obstinate (since it had been the most often attacked) of the 
whole South. Of the three battles which have now been 
detailed, the crowning victory of Middleton was, as just 
said, the severest. In killed and wounded it far supassed 
Fisher's Hill, and, in the number of guns captured, Win- 
chester. Sheridan's total loss was about 6,000. In the 
discomfiture of the morning his forces suffered heavily, 
and from 1,200 to 1,500 men were captured then by the 
Confederates, and retained and carried off, despite the 
reverse of the afternoon. Among the Federal slain 
were many brave and excellent officers — notably, Greneral 
Bidwell, Colonel Thorburn, and Colonel Charles Russell 
Lowell. The last mentioned, a young Massachusetts 
gentleman of high education, received a serious wound 
in the morning, but refused to leave the field, and was 
lifted on his horse to lead the final cavalry, charge in the 
afternoon, being then so faint that he could only give his 
orders in a whisper. He received a mortal wound, and 
died the morning after the victory ; a brigadier-general's 
commission was at that very time on its way to him from 
Washington. His death, amongst others, illustrates the 
heroism of Massachusetts, a State which sent no great 
general to the war, but very many brave and noble officers.* 

^' During the short space of the summer campaign, down to the battle in 
which he died, Colonel Lowell had had thirteen horses shot under liim. 



Ch. X. 



DEATH OF COLOXEL LOAYELL. 



327 



The loss of the Confederates, according to their general's 
statement a year afterwards, did not exceed 3,000, of 
which 1,100 were prisoners. But Sheridan's estimate, as 
usual, exceeds Early's, and it seems probable that the 
prisoners he took really did reach a much higher number 
than Early allows, and more than compensated for the 
number he had lost in the mornino'. The Confederate 
General Ramseur, whose services had been most valuable 
to Early all day, was left mortally wounded on the field of 
battle, in the headlong flight which Early vainly strove 
to arrest. Finally the unfortunate Confederate chief 
himself acknowledges the loss of about forty-one guns, the 
eighteen he captured in the morning and twenty-three 
besides. He Avas well nigh bereft of artillery.* 

It is unnecessary to mention the trivial changes in 
position made by Early in the Upper Yalley in the winter 
season, which came on very soon after the battle of Middle- 
town. Only a few operations by the guerillas attested the 
presence of Confederate forces in the Shenandoah during 
the winter months of 1864-5. Sheridan fixed his head- 
quarters in Winchester. Part of his troops vrere in 

He left a -widow of but twenty ; he himself was under thirty. He was a 
nephew of the eminent poet, author of the Biglow papers, James Eussell 
Lowell, and was thought to show great intellectual promise as well as 
military. His younger brother had fallen in the second year of the war. 
P, C. Headley, Massachusetts in the Eehellion, pp. 489, 633. Harvard 
Memorial Biogra^jhies. 

* Tliis is how G-eneral Early explains the discrepancy in his and Sheri- 
dan's estimate of his loss in prisoners : ' I know that a number of prisoners 
fell into the enemy's hands who did not belong to my command ; such as 
cavalry men on details to get fresh horses, soldiers on leave of absence, 
conscripts on special details, citizens not in the service, men employed in 
getting supplies for the departments, and stragglers and deserters from 
other commands.' — Memoir, p. 118. But this seems a very lame evasion of 
acknowledging the total claimed by Sheridan ; for whatever these men 
were— and they probably took part in the fighting — their capture must 
have represented so much defensive power lost to the Confederates. 



328 



GKANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



November sent to Grant's army before Petersburg, but he 
retained amply sufficient force (besides the moral power 
he now held) to overawe the valley. A detail of the 
exploits, daily growing more hazardous, of Mosby, prince 
of guerillas, might be made interesting, but would inter- 
rupt the narratory thread of more important events. We 
leave the valley practically conquered, although the 
Federal flag waved only in the neighbourhood of Win- 
chester. 

The successes of General Sheridan, added to those of 
Sherman in Georgia, and Farragut in Mobile Bay, had 
put the people of the North in a ferment of exultation 
and expectation. The Union citizens asked each other 
gleefully, ^ What next?' and began to see, as through a 
glass, dimly, the end of the rebellion.^ It was indeed the 
beginning of the end, although several months of winter 
were to intervene before the joyful suspicion could become 
a certainty. Yet some more operations of Grant before 
Richmond and Petersburg went very near to hastening 
the fall of the Confederacy. All eyes were turned on 
Richmond again in October, as the Lieutenant-General 
made perhaps the boldest and most skilful move of the 
whole term of his investment. 

As soon as he received the tidiness of Sheridan's first 

victory at Winchester, Grant knew that Lee must send 

some troops aAvay to reinforce his subordinate in the 

Shenandoah Valley. Besides this, ' the extension of our 

lines across the Weldon Railroad compelled the enemy to 

so extend his that it seemed he could have but few troops 

north of the James for the defence of Richmond.' f By 

these words of the Lieutenant-General is meant the state 

of the lines as they were last described (Chapter VII L) ; 

^' Sala, America in the midst of War. Letter from New York, October 
3, 1864. 
f Grayit's Beport, p. 18. 



Ch. X. 



ADYAXCE OF GEANT'S RIGHT. 



329 



his left flank just overlapping, to the west, the termi- 
nation of the Welclon Railroad, his right being to be 
taken as at City Point, whilst further to the north-east, 
across the Appomattox, and across the James, were the 
two positions held by Butler's command — Bermuda 
Hundred and the terrain of the Dutch Gap Canal, where 
also the gunboats lay which were to move up when that 
great engineering work was completed. 

Reflecting on Lee's probably diminished numbers 
stretched over a long line, kno^\nng his own ability to 
hurl masses at given points, and to mystify Lee as to 
which were those points till the time of striking. Grant 
determined to let fly two carefully planned attacks at one 
time on the keys of the Virginian's masterly arranged de- 
fences. By a movement closer to the river bank than 
heretofore, and therefore (save that it involved gunboat 
and opposite bank obstacles) more promising, he would 
strike a blow at Richmond; and if that hung fire for an 
instant, he would endeavour, by advancing his left flank, 
to hem in Petersburg so closely, that Lee, under pain of 
being throttled therein, must evacuate it and fall back 
on Richmond itself, with little chance of holding out 
there, since his communications would be annihilated. On 
the night of September 28 the two corps of Butler's 
command, the 10th and 18th, were moved to the north of 
the James at Deep Bottom, and in the early hours of the 
29th advanced straight on to the fortifications of Rich- 
mond ; the 10th corps to the right on the Laurel Hill 
works, the 18th nearer to the river on the Chapin's Farm 
Forts. The tAvo generals who led the movement were 
brave and experienced commanders. Birney, command- 
ing the 10th corps, was a veteran oflftcer of the army of 
the Potomac; Ord, leader of the 18th, had served under 
M'Clellan in 1861-2, and under Grant all through the 



330 GEANT'S CAMPAiaN AQAIXST EICH3I0XD. Ch. X. 



siege of Yicksburg in 1863. Some of the troops (of the 
10th) were ^ coloured/ but had had a training of many 
months. 

The two corps quickly found themselves groping among 
formidable and intricate fortifications. In the words of 
Grant, reporting the same evening, ' the Ne^vmarket and 
Richmond roads, and the whole country, were full of field 
fortifications.' General Biroey drove the Confederates 
from the first, and forced them before him towards Rich- 
mond, till the works at Newmarket Heights gave them the 
opportunity to make a stand. The coloured division under 
General Paine"^ was immediately ordered forward, charged 
bravely, and although sufi^ering severely from the Confede- 
rate fire, carried the heights. The Confederates then re- 
treated with great celerity, followed by Birney's troops, till, 
at two miles further on towards Richmond, and not more 
than four miles from the city, the Federals found them- 
selves confronted by the strong line of defences known as 
the Laurel Hill vrorks, long instituted and backed by 
forts constructed in 1862. After a brief reconnaissance 
General Birney determined to attack this position, and at 
two P.M. the attacking column moved forward. Had these 
works been other than well garrisoned, and well supplied 
with guns ; had Lee given way to the weakness of re- 
ducing the forces in them, to obtain additional strength 
in those of Petersburg — till now, the more actively 
threatened — a breach might have been effected in Rich- 
mond's south-western bulwarks, and Richmond might 
that day have fallen. The Laurel Hill works captured, 
Birney would have formed line with Ord, who was now 
pounding away vigorously on the left at the forts by the 
river side. But the Confederate chief, despite his inferior 

* A native of Boston, great grandson of Robert Treat Paine, one of the 
Massaehnsetts signers of the Declaration of Independence. 



Ch. X. 



ALARM IN EICHMOND. 



331 



and extended forces, had provided for the attack, and 
Birney was totally repulsed. The assaulting column 
was met at first by a murderous fire of grape and 
canister, with continuous volleys of musketry ; still the 
troops pressed on ; but finally were held at bay by a for- 
midable abattis, while an enfilading fire of artillery and 
infantry mowed them down in great numbers. At one 
point the negro troops, while attempting to pass a ditch 
in front of the works, were slaughtered fearfully by 
musketry and hand grenades. Birney fell back, and the 
attack was practically abandoned. 

Ord, with the 18th corps, was more successful. Yery 
strong works had been encountered by him ; but, after 
severe fighting, in which each party attacked two or three 
times with varying fortunes, on the 30th he rested in 
possession of Fort Harrison, and the whole of the Cha- 
pin's Farm fortifications, except a redoubt by the river- 
side. What Ord had gained gave to Grant a fresh foot- 
hold from which to menace Richmond. Two or three 
hundred prisoners and fifteen cannon had also been taken. 
Yery sharp fighting distinguished this assault. Ord 
himself, and another Federal general (Stannard), were 
wounded, and one (Burnham) was killed. The Con- 
federate iron-clad gunboats lying in the river, and their 
celebrated stronghold on the opposite bank, Fort Darlings 
opened fire during the fight, but they were not within 
effective range of the scene of battle. What with the 
firing here and at Laurel Hill, the Federal advance had 
inflicted great alarm on the civilian inhabitants of the 
Rebel capital. All the afternoon the people of Richmond 
heard the artillery pealing, and the flashes from the 
pieces were plainly distinguishable from exposed points in 
the city. Most alarming of all, in the middle of the day 
a body of Federal cavalry, under Kautz, had passed the 



332 



GEAXT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Ch. X. 



Laurel Hill works, and ridden up to within a mile and a 
half of Richmond, and for some time hovered about the 
south-eastern suburbs, called ^the Rocketts.'^ 

On the morning of the 30th, satisfied that the enemy 
was being fairly assaulted at Richmond, Grant developed 
the remainder of his combination, makins; a strons; effort to 
close round Petersburg by his left flank. This movement, 
like the other, resulted in improving his position, but did not 
have the grand success for which the plan was fairly laid 
out. A strong force, made up of portions of the 5th and 
9th corps, advanced to the north-west or left, from the line 
of the Weldon Railroad, and after a sharp engagement 
captured the first line of the Confederates, near Poplar 
Springs Church. Advancing further, however, it was 
repulsed from the stronger defences of Squirrel Level 
Road. The Federals lost severely; their opponents, 
fighting behind breastworks, but slightly. It was Hill's 
corps which barred the way. General Hill, long in com- 
mand of Lee's most important flank, again kept up his 
excellent military character, and frustrated all efforts to 
turn the Confederate right. Yet the Federals had ad- 
vanced their line further to the left, the position gained 
at Poplar Springs was quickly fortified, and became a 
fresh base for a further extension later in the month. 
General Grant did not press the attempt to storm the 
Confederate lines on this occasion, on account of the great 
effusion of blood that it would have caused. Callous as 
he had proved himself in many a crisis, he had never 
sacrificed his men but through the most thorough belief 
of the necessity of doing so, and he now felt that he could 
afford to spare his men the task of a grand assault, and 

* New York newspapers, Bichmond during the War, by a Richmond 
Lady, p. 330. Eelel War Clerk's Diary. Coppee, Grant and his Cam- 
paigns. 



Ch. X. 



ADVANCE OF GRANT'S LEFT. 



333 



confine his operations to the organisation of closer and 
closer investment. Through the winter months Grant 
was to remain a quiet but constant besieger — a veritable 
* patient, much-enduring Ulysses.' 

The Confederates chafed under the Lieutenant-Gene- 
ral's tenacious grip and obstinate ^ butting.' To assuage 
the disgust and trepidation in Richmond at the Federal 
thrust forward of the 29th September, Lee authorized 
several onslaughts on Ord's and Birney's forces, which 
accordingly took place with varying fortunes. In some 
over-daring efforts the Confederates were repulsed from 
breastworks with heavy loss, but on October 17 they 
recovered the advanced portion of the position Birney had 
occupied, and ignominiously defeated Kautz's cavalry. 
The odium of this reverse fell upon General Butler, who, 
as has been stated, was chief in command, under Grant, 
of the army north of the James. It is nut easy to 
understand why Butler was retained in such a high posi- 
tion at this epoch. A month or two later we shall see 
Grant abruptly dismissing the unenviably famous general; 
yet he let pass in silence this occasion of censure, althouo-h 
on the 13th it was capped by the needless sending out of 
a reconnoissance which resulted in very heavy loss. After 
that Butler's command lay quiet, possibly by order, through 
the whole winter. General Butler strove to retain some 
attention by incessant application to the Dutch Gap Canal ; 
but that work was already becoming an object of ridicule 
to many army men, who distrusted both the possibility of 
its achievement and its utility if completed.* 

* An amusing anecdote illustrates the light in which Butler's work was 
rega:ded. In a court-martial held in the Army of the James, two offenders 
found guilty were sentenced to 'two years' hard labour on the Dutch Gap 
Canal.' Butler's wrath was great at this irony on the long-windeduess of 
his undertaking. 



334 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



Notwithstanding the cessation of operations north of 
the James, Grant's orders were that the lines there should 
not be drawn back a foot without resistance. Except for 
that one day of the 29th September the operations north 
of the James were never anything but byplay to the great 
struggle south in front of Petersburg. Nevertheless the 
lines were to be kept up, and the advanced position of Fort 
Harrison maintained, for they continually menaced Kich- 
mond, and obliged Lee to keep there a large portion of 
his army which would have been of immense service to 
him at Petersburg or in the Shenandoah. 

The winter was now fast approaching (Oct. 13). 
Though Sherman might go marching through the sunny 
South in November, December, and January, Grant 
was well aware that the asperity of Virginia's winter 
would preclude active operations against Petersburg or 
Richmond. As the month of October closed, therefore, 
he made one more attempt to crush Lee's prospects by 
closing round Petersburg on the west, and seizing its last 
certain railway outlet. On the 27th, leaving only suffi- 
cient men to hold the fortified line. Grant led the whole 
Army of the Potomac by the left on towards the South- 
side Railroad. In order to overlap the Confederate lines, 
the army had first to march four or five miles due west, 
then, to gain the South-side Railroad, to march due north. 
The first movement was effected without difficulty, and 
only six miles remained between Grant and the coveted 
railroad. But at the point where a little stream called 
Hatcher's Run is crossed by the comparatively good road 
leading from Petersburg to Boydton (in American par- 
lance the Boydton Plank Road), it was found that the 
Confederates had erected and garrisoned a formidable 
o-roup of auxiliary fortifications. Having inner lines by 
which to march his troops, Lee was able to put in a short 



Ch. X. 



EOYDTON EOAD. 



335 



time a sufficient force between the Plank Koad and the 
railroad^ and a series of fights during two days conyinced 
the Federal general that, well-directed as was his move- 
ment, it was for the time defeated. Without a great 
sacrifice of life, he could not force his way beyond the 
Boydton Road ; he therefore gave the order to retire to 
his established lines. The Confederates made a successful 
sally on the retreating columns, which caused the loss of 
this movement, otherwise small, to approach, though not 
to equal, the totals of former attempts (Oct. 28). Butler 
had made demonstrations in the neighbourhood of Rich- 
m^ond whilst Grant moved. The total loss was about 
2,000.-^ 

Boydton Road was the last of Grant's battles in the 
yea,r 1864. ^ From this time forward the operations in 
front of Petersburg and Richmond, until the spring 
campaign of 1865, were confined to the defence and ex- 
tension of our lines, and to offensive movements for crip- 
pling the enemy's lines of communication, and to prevent 
his detaching any considerable force to send south. 'f 
After desperate campaigning for six months (each month 
including at least one sanguinary battle), the Army of the 
Potomac subsided into its winter's rest, and for a hundred 
days scarce an action took place before Petersburg. The 
only operation of distinctive character during November 
and December was the sending of an expedition in the 
latter month many miles down the Weldon Railroad, 
almost to the southern boundary line of Virginia. Al- 
though General Grant was obliged to leave one line of 
railway (the South-side) in Lee's possession for the 

* Grant^s Report. Lee's Reports. Woodbury, Burnside and the Ninth 
Corps. Pollard, Lost Cause; Lee and his Lieutenants. New York and 
Eichmond newspapers. 

t Cxranis Report^ p. 19. 



336 GE ANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



winter, he had determined that the Weldon Line should 
be cut off. ]N'ot^^-ithstanding that its Petersburg termina- 
tion was stopped and enclosed in the Federal fortifications, 
the defenders of Richmond still contrived during October 
and ^^ovember to utilise the line by ^ waggoning ' from 
Stony Creek or a station beyond, fifteen or twenty miles 
south of Petersburg. The expedition in December put 
an end to this ; the track of the line was destroj^ed to 
Hicksford, forty-two miles south of Petersburg. The 
small bodies of the enemy which were found at the wag- 
goning depots were driven oif, and the work was done 
thoroughly, a week's time being devoted to it (Dec. 6 
to 12). The weather was extremely cold; the snow and 
sleet filled the air, and the troops endured much hardship 
in marchino- and bivouackinof under the inclement skies."^ 
Although besiegers and besieged mutually let each 
other alone — cannonading; and reconnaissances such as the 
above excepted — the winter rest of Grant and Lee Avas 
very different from that of Meade and Lee twelve months 
before. Then, the armies of both generals enjoyed their 
rest ; nay, seemed almost amicably disposed to each 
other, and glad that, since active operations had dropped 
off, tacit harmony should prevail. The briefest survey of 
the lines before Petersbursj would have sufficed to con- 
vince any one who had been a resident in the camp on 
the Rapidan that a more embittered feeling now existed. 
In the beginning of 1864 the state of the two armies was 
a simple confronting of each other ; at the close it was a 
death-grip. Visitors who came to inspect the Federal 
lines were sure to hear cannonading, which was constant 
on some portions of them. The Federal fortifications 
were wonderful works ; stronger, it is said, than those 

* Bejport of General Meade. "Woodbury, Burnside and the Ninth Corps, 
p. 472. 



Ch. X. 



DESCEIPTION OF GEANTS LINES. 



337 



tliey invested. Thirty or forty thousand men, it lias 
been pronounced, could have held their own in them ; 
but as Grant was besieo-ino;, and was lookins;; forward to 
crushing Lee, sooner or later, he maintained the numbers 
of his army, at the epoch when lowest, at 90,000. The 
loccility and extent of the Federal lines have been already 
indicated ; a few more details will be well, however, both 
as to their outlines and characteristics. From the ex- 
treme right at Fort Harrison to the extreme left west of 
the Weldon Railroad the distance in a strais^ht line was 
fractionally under twenty miles. But, measuring all the 
sinuosities of the vast semi-circle, and also measurino: 
back along the rear-works of the left section, the length 
of the lines certainly exceeded fifty miles. From Fort 
Harrison the track went eastvv^ard to Deep Bottom, 
the terrain of the Dutch Gap Canal. Thence the line 
deflected southward to Bermuda Hundred, the promon- 
tory south of the James and north of the Appomattox. 
Thus far was Butler's domain, and the forces in this 
division formed the Army of the James. North and 
south of the Appomattox, near Point of Rocks and Wal- 
thall Junction, some forts and works protected a permanent 
pontoon bridge, w^hich afforded ready passage for large 
bodies of troops to or from the camp before Petersburg. 
Back to the east, south of the Appomattox, lay City 
Point, General Grant's head-quarters. A line of forts 
stood before it, reared soon after the arrival before 
Petersburg in June. To the south-west stretched the 
vast lines around the doomed city, beginning with Fort 
M'Gilvery by the river's bank, then running south-west 
to the Weldon Railroad, there turning north again to 
Poplar Spring (gained October 1). Here, on the ex- 
treme left, much fighting took place amongst thick forest, 
and often bodies of men lost their way and had narrow 

z 



338 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



escapes from capture. This portion of the lines was 
occupied by the 5th and 2nd corps; the older fortifications 
on the right were held by the 9th and 6th corps. The 
latter, after doing good service under Sheridan, had 
been by him returned to the Lieutenant-Gen era! as soon 
as the finishing victory of October 19 was gained. It 
may easily be imagined that the course of another year of 
war had hardened still more the hearts of Federal and 
Rebel soldiers against each other. The iron had entered 
deep into their souls during the year 1864. The Army 
of the Potomac was angry at the immense bloodshed and 
toil which the obstinate resistance of tlie Rebels had 
apportioned to it since it left the Kapidan. On their 
part. Lee's soldiers had become peevish and desperate — ■ 
immensely dilFerent to what they were in 1863 — for they 
saw only too plainly that, after all their eflforts, their 
prospects were worse than in that year. They might 
win battles, but the Federals were winning territory. 
The state of affairs in the West was becomino' a source of 

o 

despondency, which even the privates of the Army of 
Virginia could appreciate. 

But although the general feeling of each army was 
thus more acrid, the old feeling of fraternisation between 
outposts on quiet days still prevailed to some extent. 
It was necessary, indeed, for the efifecting of the eagerly- 
desired exchange of newspapers. Besides the pretty 
reo'ular excliano;e for the benefit of the two chief com- 
manders, many a subordinate officer or private thirsted 
to <2;et an enemy's paper as soon as he had read his own. 
When the men crossed to each other's lines on quiet 
opportunities, in the manner that has been described 
before, the same good-natured care was taken that firing- 
should not begin again till a safe time for getting back 
had elapsed. On one occasion, however, a breach in the 



Ch. X. 



THE CAMP BEFOEE PETEESBUEG. 



339 



unwritten covenant for these meetings took place. The 
Confederates, under what excuse it is not easy to see, 
retained as prisoner a Federal officer. A few days after 
this, still more inexplicably, some Confederates noncha- 
lantly crossed over to the Federal lines. Among them 
were the Mayor of Petersburg and Roger A. Pryor, a 
%vell-known hero of the beginning of the war."^ The 
Federals seized these two, in retribution for their cap- 
tured officer. What became of the mayor does not 
appear, but Pryor was detained for a long time. 

The camp before Petersburg resembled more a city 
than had the camp on the Papidan. It was not without 
arcbitectural pretensions — such as the tasteful quarters 
of many of the generals, admirably set off by the sur- 
rounding forest. A fine timber church was built up in 
the short space of fourteen days, by a Xew York regi- 
ment. The abode of General Ingalls, chief quarter- 
master, was an extremely pleasing and picturesque retreat. 
Photographs of all the interesting views were taken. 

At City Point, eight miles from the front, were Grant's 
head-quarters— simple and unpretending buildings. The 
railway which had connected the Point with Petersburg- 
had been diverted during September, so as to connect it 
with the lines, and to run right on past the Weldon Pail- 
road, so that the camp could be supplied wdth absolute 
precision in all weathers. By this line, therefore, the 
Lieutenant-General travelled to and from the front, of 
which General Meade had the regular superintendence. 
The river bank at City Point called to mind the long 
and busy wharves of New York ; its bustle showed the 
importance of the place as a base of operations. But 

* Mr. Pryor was one of the party tliat entered Fort Sumter on April li, 
1831. During the first or second year of the war he became a general in 
I he Confederate service, but is said to have been struck down to the ranks 
for insubordination. He cheerfully submitted to the punishment. 



31C 



GEANT'S CAIMPAIGX AGAINST EICHMOXD. 



Ch. X. 



visitors looked with greatest interest at Grant's head- 
quarters, kno^ving that therein the operations of all the 
armies of the United States received their guiding im- 
pulse. We have seen the telegraphic communication 
which took place in October between the chief com- 
mander and his lieutenant, Sherman, in Georgia. Still 
— although the other fields of the great contest might 
present temporarily more exciting action — the Union 
citizens looked steadfastly to Grant and the grand old 
Army of the Potomac to give the finishing blow to the 
rebellion. They were to be justified in their trust. As 
the year 1864 closed, inimical critics and superficial 
observers believed that the goal which that army aimed 
at AY as still far from its reach. But Grant, although, 
taciturn and unassuming, he made no promises to the 
public or to his subordinates, now spoke and wrote with 
confidence to his generals (executors of his plans) of the 
approaching fail of Kichmond. 

And the Army of the Potomac, how looked it, what 
sio'ns did it make, as it mntered over aofainst the oroal from 
which it had so often been repelled ? Contrary to the Con- 
federate soldiers, whose fighting character had changed 
little by experience, the Federal rank and file — and officers 
also — had year by year increased in physical value and 
technical reliability. The veterans of the Army of the 
Potomac Avere noAV all sturdy fighters and excellent 
toolsmen. Although the ranks had received more fo- 
reigners, among other recruits, to fill up gaps, yet the 
American element was still all-pervading. The old 
fiame of enthusiasm burnt plentifully among officers and 
men; and it was evident that the army was largely adorned 
by a noble-spirited and highly-educated youth. The age 
of high officers, it may here be passingly remarked, pre- 
sented a younger average than in European armies. 



Ch. X. 



GEANT'S OEFICERS AND SOLDIEES. 



341 



The best names of the Northern States were repre- 
sented in Grant's camp. When General M'Clellan was 
before Richmond in 1862 the Comte de Paris and the 
Due de Chartres had been on his staff, and European 
and Yankee observers were dazzled by the spectacle 
of two French princes acting as aides to the Federal 
commander. In Grant's camp might have been pointed 
out to visitors two or three young gentlemen, unfavoured 
and unassuming, who were sons of members of the ad- 
ministration — Seward, Fessenden, Welles. A little later 
than the month we have arrived at, Mr. Robert Lincoln, 
the President's eldest son, served on Grant's staff. 

It would be interesting to dilate a little on the personal 
staff of General Grant. Among the score or more of 
officers composing it were a few Europeans — a German 
or two, and a Hungarian (Major Szabad). But what 
must not be passed over is the presence in it, and good 
military reputation of, an Indian chief. Despite his name, 
Colonel Eli Parker was a full-blooded ^ redskin,' and was 
still the reverenced chief of what remnant remains of the 
once powerful and renowned Six Nations. His features 
and his frame showed his rac3, but in dress and manners 
he was like any other gentleman officer. He had served 
under Grant all through the siege of Vicksburg and at 
Chattanooga, and was one of the most trusted and 
favourite of the Lieutenant-General's staff.* 

Four years' hardenino; had not obliterated or modified 
even one happy trait which distinguished the Army of 
the Potomac. Neither officers nor men betrayed the least 
arrogance of manner, or vaingloriousness of feeling, as 
regarded a comparison of civil and military life. Veterans 
as they were now, the troops still fondly looked back to, 
rather than contemned, the civilian state from which at 

* Headlev, Life of Grant. 



342 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



least nine-tenths of tliem had issued. ^ When this cruel 
war is over ' — the first words of a, popular song — indi- 
cated to a nicety the prevailing sentiment of the Northern 
soldiers. They were all sighing to get back to the happy 
labours of peace. 

A chano;e which was becomincr marked in the relations 
of besiegers and besieged was the frequency of desertion 
from the Confederate to the Federal lines. It was not 
to be wondered at. The Rebel prospects were becoming 
dreary. It would be very interesting, but it is not easy, 
to get a dramatic and perfectly true description of the 
views of the leading men of the Confederacy, and espe- 
cially of their great War Chief, at the close of the year 
1864. The desertions so frequently repeated must have 
smote him to the heart, one would think.* They occurred 
not merely to the Federal lines ; many Confederate soldiers 
of the utmost valour and staunchness fled away to their 
homes, either forecasting hardship and ruin, or, from 
domestic reasons, pining to be with their families. This 
frequency of desertion should have told the Confederate 
leaders that their game was played out. Their brave 
soldiers — the poor ^mean whites,' who had fought so 
valourously — had forecast the true ending of the war, after 
all, before the better educated leaders. What availed it 
that Lee's army had been reinforced in the autumn by 
heavy recruiting in Virginia and l^orth Carolina,- if in 
December despondency was spreading through the ranks 
of the veterans ? 

Without dilating further on the daily growing em- 
barrassments of the Confederate chief, and the privations 

General Lee, seeing the terrible reclnction it began to eiFect in his 
strength, howerer, endeaTonred to stop desertion by rigorous execution of 
its military punishment ; but on several occasions President Davis pardoned 
culprits, with laudable humanity of disposition, but, as a Southern writer 
considers, with far from due deference to General Lee's representations. 



Ch. X. 



HOOD'S IXVASION OF TEXXESSEE. 



343 



of his men, wlncli had not yet reached their extreme 
pomt, it now becomes necessary to tnrn away again from 
Grant's campaign proper, in order to take a brief review 
of the closing operations of the year in the ^Vest — 
practically the closing operations of the war in that 
region. Throngh the autumn four names had popularly 
and concisely represented the war. Grant and Sherman, 
Lee and Hood, roughly stood for the whole area of con- 
flict ; for the fighting beyond the Mississippi (where the 
Federal Canby and the Confederate Price were the lead- 
ing spirits), always of irregular character, was now almost 
totally devoid of interest. During November and Decem- 
ber Grant and Lee lay quiet, and Sherman, though on the 
march all the while, was no longer engaged in sanguinary 
operations, being practically unopposed. But the fourth 
named chief, Sherman's quondam adversary, the gallant 
but rash General Hood, was running a swifter and 
deadlier race to ruin than even his maladroitness at 
Atlanta had presaged ; and, in repelling Hood's final 
reckless movement, one more Federal general acquired 
a bright and fair renown."^ 

We left Hood in the end of October at Gadsden, 
Alabama. Soon after, he fixed his camp a little to the 
north-west, at Florence, on the Tennessee River, which 
he passed by force, in spite of the resistance of a body of 
Federal cavalry. He camped there for a fortnight, or- 
ganising his army, which approached 50,000 men. Num- 
bers of his troops were raw^ levies, but he had a great num- 
ber of officers, eminently brave and skilful, to lead them. 

The Confederate cavalry, under the ex-slavedriver 
General Forrest, had already crossed the boimdary line 

* ' Hood, instead of following Sherman, continued his move northward, 
which seemed to me to be leading to his certain doom. At all events, had 
I had the power to command both armies, I should not have changed the 
orders under which he seemed to be acting.' — Grant's Beport, p. 25. 



344 GEANT S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



into the State of Tennessee, after gaining some successes 
and doing great destruction at the store depot of Johnson- 
ville, on the River Tennessee. About November 20 Hood 
set forward his whole army, speedily came into the vicinity 
of the Federal main body, and, as it fell back, followed it 
with that kind of bravado eagerness which distinguishes 
a man who wishes an immediate fight. He was very soon 
gratified, and gratified, too, with the semblance of victory. 
Thomas, as has been stated, now held command in Ten- 
nessee. By orders from him at Nashville, Schofield, his 
subordinate, made a stand in a good position at Franklin 
on the 30th. Althou2;h it was four o'clock in the after- 
noon when Hood came up to the Federal works, a kind 
of fnry seemed to possess him to assault the same evening. 
The battle was fought in an open field, with no trees or 
undergrowth or other interruption or shelter for the Con- 
federates. Each charge they made exposed them to 
frightful slaughter. Capturing at first the outer breast- 
works of the Federals, the}^ were afterwards thrust back 
from them, and every attempt they made after that only 
resulted in their ranks being ploughed by frightful showers 
of grape and canister. The battle closed at ten p.m., and 
the Confederates were then repulsed at all points. Never- 
theless the Federal general drew off his forces during the 
night, and fell back to Nash\dlle. In the morning Hood 
found the field left to him, and the road open to Nashville. 
He scrupled not to claim a victory, and pushed on. Was 
it a victory? The figures of his and the Federal losses 
showed a very diflferent result. He had lost 1 ,7 50 killed, 
3,800 wounded, and 702 prisoners. Among his losses 
were six general officers killed, six w^ounded, and one cap- 
tured. The entire loss of the Federals was 2,300.* 

^ New York newspapers. 1\vz,qvbo\\, lotva and the Behdlion. Cincinnati 
Gazette. Grants llefort. Pollard, Lost Cause. 



Ch. X. 



BATTLE OF FRANKLIN. 



345 



Conspicuous — highest m rank, indeed — among the 
brave Confederate officers who were sacrificed in this 
battle, was Major-General Patrick Cleburne, who is de- 
scribed to us as both a lion in fight and a military genius. 
A native of Ireland, he had, before emigrating to Ame- 
rica, been a private in the British army. He fell early 
in the battle, and died on the field, interchanging what 
were, perhaps, his last words, with a Federal gene- 
ral (Kimball), who rode past him in the heat of the 
combat, and learnt from his lips that his wounds were 
mortal. 

By December 2 Hood's army was before Nashville, 
and the inhabitants of that city heard again the fierce 
rattle of musketry a mile«or two without their walls — 
familiar to them in 1862 and 1863, but during eleven 
months of 1864 almost forgotten. Hood stolidly camped 
and entrenched his forces in style of siege, although he 
had come so far north as to make certain of much hardship 
for them during the approaching inclement weather. But 
already reinforcements had arrived for Thomas. A. J. 
Smith's corps, from Memphis and Missouri, marclied into 
the city on the day of the battle of Franklin, and gave 
to Thomas, probably, numerical superiority over the de- 
voted Hood. Without this reinforcement — with a force 
inferior to that which Schofield had brought back from 
Franklin — Thomas, looking round on Nash ville's defences, 
would have laughed a siege to scorn. Half-a-dozen forts 
and other works environed the city, a gunboat flotilla was 
lying in the river, all kinds of supplies were in store, 
and there were several thousands of government work- 
men in the city who might aid in defence, if required. 
Thomas had matured a plan, however, and was willing to 
let Hood lie in front of him for a short time, in order 
that he might make complete the victory over him he 



346 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



purposed. He had, to tliat end, a special desire to improve 
the state of his cavalry, which was far from efficient ; and 
although sufficient time had now elapsed for Sherman to 
be well on towards the sea, the sagacious Thomas thought 
it well to err on the side of delay, if at all, keeping Hood 
in play yet a little longer, that no forces from him, 
defeated, might turn back and, by an unlikely but pos- 
sible contingency, do harm to Sherman's movement. 

The subject of Thomas' delay brings Grant to our view 
again, for the Lieutenant-General watched and meditated 
as thoroughly Thomas' defence as he did Sherman's ad- 
vance. For once, however. Grant would seem to have 
grown somewhat nervous — impatient to see Hood's army 
crushed, and so to have his attention relieved from the 
south-west, and at liberty, with more forces, for the great 
combinations in projection on the Atlantic coast. He grew 
irritated at Thomas' quietude, Avhich he began to set down 
to non-comprehension of the situation by that really able 
commander. He knew by this time that Sherman's army 
was safely arrived before Savannah, and believed that 
city would be speedily reduced ; and, on the other hand, 
he was annoyed at the news that some Confederates, 
under Lyon, had passed beyond Tennessee, and were 
actually ravaging, at this stage of the war, in the vicinity 
of Fort Donelson and the banks of the Ohio. They had 
occupied successively Hopkinsville and Eddysville, Ken- 
tucky, sacking the government buildings at the former 
place. Thomas was really ready to drive away all the 
Confederates around Nashville by December 10, but the 
weather, and its effects on the ground, would not admit of 
his striking for a day or two longer. Grant, in his 
anxiety, now believed that Thomas would continue supine 
indefinitely, and on the loth made up his mind to fly to 
the West himself, personally head Thomas' army, and 



Ch. X. 



BATTLE OF NASHVILLE. 



347 



deliver battle at once against Hood, Immediately lie 
left City Point, and steamed up the Potomac, to hurry by 
train to Nashville, Just as he reached Washington, 
tidings arrived that the blow was struck, 

December 15. — Thomas was carrying all before him in 
a style which completely satisfied the Lieutenant-General, 
and added vastly to the difficulties which were now ac- 
cumulating on the Confederacy. 

Early on the 1 5th Thomas set forward all his forces, as- 
saulted with the greatest vigour, fought all day, and, as the 
result, drove Hood's army from before Nashville, captur- 
ing all its entrenchments, over 1,000 prisoners, and 
sixteen guns. On the 16th he again attacked it on 
a range of hills, about seven miles south of the city. 
The conflict again raged all day. At first the Confederates 
kept their lines, by a heavy artillery fire on the eager 
attackers ; but nothing could prevail against such in- 
spirited troops as those of Thomas now were. They 
came on like a torrent both on right and left, charged 
with the bayonet, carried the batteries that had played 
on them so destructively, captured guns and prisoners, 
and drove the Confederates from hill to hill in confusion. 

On the 17th they continued the fight by cutting up 
the rear of the defeated enemy, and continuing to 
capture enormous batches of prisoners. During the 
battle on the 15th and 16th, too, fifty-three guns had 
been taken. 

It is striking to glance at this juncture, first on the 
flight of General Hood, and then far away to the east, on 
the marching army of Sherman. We saw those two 
generals clashing swords together at and around Atlanta. 
Hood's policy for a campaign w^as far worse than his man- 
agement on the field of battle, where he certainly showed 
energy, some technical skill, and the greatest personal 



3i8 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. X. 



bravery. But the Confederate President committed a 
great blunder in allowing him to march north from the 
frontiers of Georgia and Alabama. The results of 
Hood's and Sherman's marches reflect the most strikinoj 
discredit on that policy. Hood was by no means sure 
that he could conquer Tennessee, but he left all Georgia 
behind him, a certain prey to the enemy. And thus the 
crowning result had come. At the very time that Sher- 
man w^as peacefully sighting the sea coast at Fort 
McAllister, Hood was suffering irreparable defeat at 
Nashville. 

All present at the battle of Nashville could plainly see 
that it was the most decisive victory of the SouthAYest- 
ern war. Hood's army was crushed ; and Thomas' men 
knew that it was so. ' I pushed forward to the southward 
slope of the hill,' says a Federal eye-witness of the battle 
of the 1 6 th. 'It was about dark ; the rain was pouring 
steadily down; and, standing there amid the dead and 
dying, I caught the last glimpse of our lines of battle, 
and heard the last triumphant shout of our men, as 
even through the darkness they pushed on after the 
flying foe.' 

Thomas continued to pursue Hood for several days, 
and captured many more prisoners on each day. Only 
by the greatest and most painful exertions did the w^eck 
of the Confederate army succeed in escaping across the 
Tennessee to Northern Alabama. Such was the end of 
Hood's rash invasion of Tennessee — absolute repulse 
and overthrow, with a loss, from November 30, when he 
first struck into the Northern State, to December 30, 
when he made his disastrous exit, of 13,469 killed, 
wounded, an 1 captured, including twelve generals put 
Jiors de combat^ and seventy guns. This does not include 
the killed and wounded at Nashville, which, if equal 



Ch. X. 



GENERAL THOMAS. 



849 



to Thomas' (and it was probably more)^ would be over 
5,000.- 

General Thomas won a deserved renown by his victory. 
The South- West^ he could report, was practically a con- 
quered country. He had completely overthrown the only 
army which the Confederates had in that region. Early 
in January, I860, he executed with alacrity the next duty 
Grant had for his army, by sending the greater portion of 
it, under Schofield and Smith, round to the Atlantic 
coast (by rail), to take part in the operations, now on the 
eve of execution there, for the closing of the war. 

When Sherman marched away to the sea, this excellent 
General Thomas had inherited his position in the West 
as naturally as Sherman had taken up Grant's, when 
Grant became Lieutenant-General. It is somewhat sur- 
prising that Thomas had not before stood higher in popu- 
lar and governmental estimation, for he had done signal 
service in many fields, and had not once made a blunder, 
or given occasion for censure. His ability had been de- 
veloped quite early in the war, when his victory at Mill 
Spring, Kentucky, led the way to the recovery of Ten- 
nessee by Grant and Buell (1862). He had been the 
right-hand man of Rosecranz in 1863. By his exertions 
only was Rosecranz's defeat of Chickamauga saved from 
being an extreme catastrophe. At last, appointed to an 
independent command, his final achievements were still in 
the old district around Nashville. 

General Thomas' distinguishing characteristic was quiet 
self-confidence — undemonstrative power. This a[)peared 
in his form and features. Though he was over six feet high, 
and of massive frame, his face was calm and kindly, with 
a humorous mouth and serene blue eyes. Like several 



* Thomas' Report, December 29, 1864. 



350 GEANT'S CA:\IPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



other Northern generals, he had a sobriquet or two 
given him by his troops, the best of which was ^ Old 
Safety.'^ He was adored by his troops, and deserved 
high respect through the length and breadth of the 
Federal States, for his good service to the Union w^as 
exceptional, he being a Virginian by birth, and prior to 
the w^ar an officer in the regiment (regular army) of 
which Lee was colonel. 

In the battle of Nashville, it is w^orth notice, a good 
many coloured brigades were used, who vied v/ith the 
white troops in forcing the Confederates from the hills, 
and altogether made for themselves an excellent record. 

It is time for us to take a view of the steadfast conduct and 
work of the President and people of the North while their 
soldiers were fighting ; to indulge specially in a glimpse at 
the striking character of the President; then to see what 
giant effect the blows of Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, paid 
Thomas, were producing on the body of rebellion, and 
to see how Pichmond and the whole Confederacy was 
at last tottering to its fall. Ere w^e close this chapter, 
hovv^ever, three or four little detached expeditions seem to 
demand a brief notice — of which all but one helped in 
o'reater or less deo-ree to the success of the Federals. 
One from which much was expected, produced, for about 
the last time, great mortification for them. 

1. In the wdld and mountain region of the east and west 
corners of the tY,^o States of Tennessee and Virginia — which 
present on the map the appearance of joining each other, 
like the points of two diamonds — an isolated struggle 

* The following is the queer comparison gravely made to the honour of 
General Thomas by the chronicler of the services of one of the Western 
States : — ' Major- General George H. Thomas, if it can be so put with due 
respect, may be called the elephant of our army animals — slow, ponderous, 
sagacious, not easily aroused to wrath, but when aroused terrible and invin- 
cible.' — Ingersoll, Iowa and the Behellion, p. 644. 



Ch. X. 



VIRGINIA— TENNESSEE CAMPAIGNS. 



351 



had been going on for some time since summer, and con- 
tinued till the beginning of the year 1865. This theatre 
of war was little noticed by the people of either North or 
South, and only during Hood's campaign against Nash- 
ville did it seem to connect itself with the rest of the 
line of contest. The Confederate forces were, during 
November, in the south-west corner of Virginia, under 
General Breckenridge ; the Federal forces in the north- 
east of Tennessee, and south-east of Kentucky, under 
Generals Stoneman, Burbridge, and Gillem. Desultory^ 
fighting had taken place during October, in which Gillem 
claimed the victory ; but in the beginning of November 
Breckenridge suddenly appeared in force, and assailing 
Gillem near Bull's Gap (Nov. 14), beat him, captur- 
ing his artillery and several hundred prisoners ; follow- 
ing up the s access, the Confederate boldly moved on west to 
Knoxville. That city, which had withstood several weeks' 
siege by Longstreet in 1863, was far too strong and well 
garrisoned for serious attack by Breckenridge. His real 
object was very different. Just about this time, as Ave 
have seen. Hood was crossing Northern 'Alabama into 
Western Tennessee. Breckenridge, it was hoped by the 
Confederates, would career through the eastern region of 
Ys'hich Knoxville was the centre, and join Hood under 
the walls of Nashville. This plan seems to have been 
countenanced by Lee — for Breckenridge, commanding in 
Virginia, was under his orders. The great chief, Ave 
may suspect, never sanctioned Hood's invasion, Avhich was 
specially ordered by the Confederate Government — by 
Jefferson Davis personally. But seeing Hood actually 
engaged in pushing north, Lee may probably have 
])lanned Breckenridge's movement, to give Hood, by its 
assistance, a more faA'Ourable chance. But Breckenridge's 
movement came to nought. The Federals penetrated 



352 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOND. Ch. X. 



the design. General Stoneman concentrated Gillem's and 
Burbridge's commands, stopped Breckenridge's advance, 
and soon after defeated his somewhat dispersed forces in 
several small engagements. East Tennessee was com- 
pletely cleared, and rendered secnre from further inroads by 
the middle of December. Stoneman went on into South- 
west Virginia, and gained another little victory at Marion 
on the 16th, capturing artillery and 200 prisoners from one 
of Breckenridge's subordinates (Vaughan); and on the 
20th Burbridge's forces captured Saltville, despite Breck- 
enridge's manoeuvres. Valuable salt works were here des- 
troyed, and a large amount of stores and eight pieces of 
artillery captured. This little campaign on the Virginia 
Tennessee border would probably present some interest- 
ing features, had we fuller details of it.* 

II. During November and December two Federal 
raiding parties made successful expeditions from the 
banks of the Mississippi into the State of that name. From 
Vicksburg (now for eighteen months a quiet Federal 
stronghold) a cavalry force, under Osband, proceeded in 
a north-east direction to the Mississippi Central Railroad, 
captured and destroyed the bridge and trestle-work over 
the Big Black River, thirty miles of the road, two 
locomotives, and large amounts of stores (November 
27). Osband's force seems to have been composed 
entirely of coloured cavalry. On December 21 a 
larger cavalry force, under Grierson, started from 
Memphis and raided south all through the northern 
half of Mississippi, till, veering round to the west, it 
arrived at Vicksburg on January 5, 1865. This ex- 
pedition had great influence in rendering complete the 
rout of Hood's army — railroad track, engines and 

* Grant's 'Re-port. New York newspapers. Eeid, After the War. A 
Southern Tour. 



Ch. X. 



FEDERAL EAIDS IN MISSISSIPPI. 



353 



cars, arms and food stores being destroyed, which would 
all have been of use to it in the retreat from Nashville. 
Grierson captured some few hundred prisoners. 

III. Butler^s Attack on Fort Fisher. — The long pro- 
jected expedition for the capture of Washington went forth 
in the middle of December. A large force was embarked 
from the James, from Butler's command. General Grant's 
intention was that Weitzel, a young officer for some 
time acting under Butler, should command the troops, 
but Butler chose to accompany it himself ; and, evading 
a correct fulfilment of the Lieutenant-General's instruc- 
tions, embarked as the head of the expedition. The fleet 
which carried the troops, and was to participate in the 
attack, was commanded by Admiral Porter, whose name 
was a guarantee for valuable co-operation vdth a land 
force. The expedition carried with it a novel and 
formidable engine of war, \iz., a powder-ship containing 
215 tons of powder, which was to be exploded right in 
front of Fort Fisher. The idea of it had been acquired 
from the reports in the newspapers, some time before, of an 
accidental explosion of gunpowder, with dreadful effect, in 
England. The powder-ship was got up so as to resemble 
a blockade-runner. 

Fort Fisher, guarding the entrance to the port of Wil- 
mington, was the first thing to be encountered, Wil- 
mington itself being secure till that was reduced. The 
expedition arrived off Fort Fisher on December 23. In 
the early morning of the 24:th the monster torpedo was 
duly exploded, but with nothing like the result antici- 
pated. Admiral Porter and all his seamen, awaiting the 
shock at a safe distance out, were surprised at the slight 
tremor it caused. The admiral records that ' it shook 
the vessel some, and broke one or two s^lasses, but nothino- 
more.' After this the attack by regular procedure com- 

A A 



354 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. 



Ch. X. 



menced. The fleet bombarded Fort Fisher all day of the 
24th, and on the 25 th, and in the afternoon of the latter 
day, Butler landed his troops. But utter failure was 
the result — entire failure to the expedition, and irreme- 
diable disgrace to General Butler. Much blame, very 
much, attached to General Butler, for he had disobeyed 
his instructions, not only in assuming the active com- 
mand himself, which the Lieutenant-General had told 
him to give to AVeitzel, but in re-embarking without 
attempting to entrench and hold a position. With the 
bold assurance he possessed, he still sought to hold up 
his head as a military commander. Angry recrimination 
took place between him and Porter. Porter calmly 
pointed out how in various ways Butler had not efficiently 
co-operated. In his report he quietly ignored Butler's 
military opinion on the difficulties which made hun re- 
embark his troops. ^ I do not pretend to put my opinion 
in opposition to General Weitzel,'' he said, ^ who is a 
thorough soldier and an able engineer.' He probably 
knew or guessed that Grant's intention was that Weitzel, 
not Butler, should have been his acting colleague in the 
expedition. 

General Butler was relieved from further service on 
January 8, 1865, by order of General Grant, and General 
Ord was appointed to the command of the Army of the 
James in his stead. Butler took his disgrace with out- 
ward firmness, but with great inward chagrin, which he 
so:)n manifested by attempts to vindicate his military 
management, and by endeavouring to disparage General 
Grant even. On one occasion he is said to have given 
vent to his spleen by the bitter remark, that all he would 
wish for his epitaph would be, ^ Here lies Benjamin F. 
Butler, who saved the lives of his soldiers at Fort Fisher, 
ana never commanded the Army of the Potomac.'' 



Ch. X. 



THE FEDEEAL NAVY. 



355 



Furtlier disgrace fell upon General Butler, however ; 
for Admiral Porter returned to tlie fortress wliicli had 
baffled and mortified him, with a fresh expedition froni 
Grant's army, under General Terry, and by an heroic 
assault, on January 15, Fort Fisher was captured. 

lY. JExpIoit of Lieutenant Cushing. — The part played 
by the Federal navy during the war presents altogether 
a career of great success. In the month of October, to 
the names of naval renown which had developed them- 
selves, a young man of two-and-twenty added his, by an 
operation of such cool, deliberate daring, as has rarely 
been surpassed. Lieutenant W. B. Cushing, an officer 
serving in the Xorth Atlantic squadron, off the Carolina 
coast, of which Admiral Porter had then but lately as- 
sumed the command, conceived the idea of destroying a 
great Rebel iron-clad lying in Albemarle Sound, by the 
means of a boat, a torpedo, and a dozen men to act under 
his orders. The Confederates — who showed during the 
war much more enero-v and ino-enuitv in eno-ineerino- 
work than they ever had in peace — had turned out a very 
formidable monster in this Albemarle, for so the ram was 
named. Built about the beoinnino- of 1864 , she had shown 
her teeth effectually in the spring, when she assisted a 
Confederate brigade, under Hoke, to capture the town 
of Plymouth, held and fortified by the Federals. She 
had then destroyed two or three Federal gunboats. Lying- 
still ever since, her existence was a constant source of 
possible damage to the Federal fleet of the Carolina coast. 
On the night of the 27th October Lieutenant Cushing, 
^vith thirteen oflficers and men in a little steam launch, 
left the fleet lying in the Albemarle Sound, and proceeded 
up the Roanoke River, where, eight miles from its mouth, 
just beyond the neighbourhood of Plymouth, the great 
ram lay. The river averages in A\idth along the stretch 

A A 2 



356 GEANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. X. 



about 200 yards, and on the banks, at intervals, the Con- 
federates had picket-stations, solicitous that no surprise 
should deprive them of the Albemarle. On went Cushing's 
launch, however, unobserved, till it arrived at its desti- 
nation. By the light of a fire which was burning ashore, 
the young lieutenant and his men beheld the monster before 
them, and at the same time a most annoying and unlooked 
for hindrance to touching her. She was surrounded by 
floating logs for thirty feet from her side. Gushing and 
his men with perfect coolness begin removing them to 
make way in towards her. As it needs little wisdom to 
foretell, they are promptly discovered by the crew of the 
Albemarle. They are hailed, and immediately after a 
storm of bullets comes rattling into them, three of which 
strike the clothing of Gushing. But this young man's 
resolution seems of iron. Having removed some logs, he 
now runs his launch at the body of them, so that it runs 
right on and rests there. In an instant the torpedo boom 
is lowered, and Gushing, by a vigorous pull, succeeds in 
diving it under the overhang, and at the same time 
exploding it. He is not a moment too soon. Simul- 
taneously the ram is destroyed, and a shot from her great 
o'un crashes into Gushing's boat, — a dense mass of water 
rushes up — Gushing tells his men to save themselves, and 
they plunge into the middle of the river, and swim for 
their lives. Several of the small party are wounded, — 
others, incapable of a long swim, land, and are captured ; 
Gushing and one man were all of the fourteen that escaped. 
Gushing is ignorant that he has succeeded, and that a soul 
besides himself is saved. After swimming a mile he puts 
himself to the shore, but so exhausted that he lies on the 
beach till daylight, with<\only his head and the upper part of 
his body out of water. Hiding in a swamp in the morning, 
two of the Albemarle officers pass by his covert, and he 



Ch. X. 



DESTKUCTION OF THE ALBEMAELE. 



357 



guesses by their conversation that he has been successful, 
but is not certain. So anxious is he on this point that 
when he has toiled on to well below Plymouth, toward the 
Sound, meeting a negro, he persuades him, when he finds 
he can trust him, to go back and get the information by 
discreet enquiry in Plymouth. The trusty negro returns, 
and tells him that the ram is duly sunk. Then Gushing 
travels on again, and finding on the shore a skiff belonging 
to a Confederate picket, gets into it, and, keeping down 
stream, at last, at eleven o'clock at night (28th), appears 
alone, but successful, before the Federal ships from which 
he had set out. 



358 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHjVIOND. Gh. XI. 



CHAPTEK XL 

STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH. — ADVANCE OF SHERMAN THROUGH THE 
CAROLINAS. — GLOOil AND DESPONDENCY IN RICHMOND. 

On the 8th of November, 1864, Abraham Lincoln had 
been re-elected President of the United States. By 
22 States against 3, by 213 'Electoral College' votes 
against 21, and by a majority in the popular vote of over 
400,000, the grandest ruler America has ever had was 
chosen as the nation's chief for a second term of four years. 
Each man of those who voted for Lincoln had a right to be 
proud, and every one who now lives doubtless is proud of 
his vote that day. 

Thoroughly honest as M'Clellan was in his profession of 
unswerving attachment to the Union, there is little doubt 
that several of his chief supporters were not so — nay, that 
they were ' Copperheads,' desirous of the success of the 
South. Had he been elected, a little reflection shows that 
there would have been great likelihood of his being coun- 
selled into recognising the Confederacy. We shall see pre- 
sently some proofs of this. It was, indeed, but the outward 
sign of Northern persistency in the struggle — Lincoln's 
re-election. But it was a moral and political necessity for 
the preservation of the Union. As Mr. Seward urged 
pertinently in a speech, early in the election agitation, 
Lincoln had been elected President of the whole Union, 
and it was morally necessary that he should be the man 
to be at the head of the whole of the States when again 
united. As regarded the practical or active need of the 



Ch. XI. 



EE-ELECTIOJ^ OF LINCOm. 



359 



Unionists, also, it was imperatively necessary tliat Lincoln 
should continue President. Althoughnot a man of supreme 
mental greatness, he had proved himself to be the man for 
the work. His honesty, his steadfastness to the people's 
broadly designated policy, his capabilities for toil of head 
and body, liis very considerable (though not supreme) 
ability, were now patent to all who had studied his 
public bearing, w^ithout bias against him. He was a real 
live President, and no lay figure. Never, perhaps, in the 
world's history, had a ruler greater responsibilities imposed 
on him — greater labours to do, or, for a time, greater 
disasters to face — than this man. Well was it that nature 
had endowed him with a physical strength beyond the 
average, and that his youth had been passed in the invi- 
gorating conditions of manual labour, far from cities. 
The Presidency — never a light task — was to Abraham 
Lincoln one long toil, but ungrudged, devoted ; and for 
all that, unmistakable work of the hardest description. 
Nor was the dignity of the office impaired by the pecu- 
liarities of speech and behaviour which clung to him from 
his humble orioin and self-acknowleds^ed ' defective edu- 
cation.' * The only specks those circumstances of his 
career had left were a certain approach to buffoonery, and 
his well-known indulgence in incessant jokes, made or 
retailed, which were frequently very brilliant and forcible, 
in the average, perhaps, pointless or mediocre ; and on 
some few occasions, it is said, coarser than unofficial 

* The reader, if lie has not. seen it elsewhere, will surely be glad that I 
insert here the brief autobiography, which, being requested, Mr. Lincoln 
forwarded to the compiler of the Dictionary of Congress, in 1858. Thus it 
ran, neither more nor Less : — ' Born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, 
Kentucky. Education defective. Profession, a lawyer. Have been a 
Captain of Yolimteers in Black Hawk AVar. Postmaster at a very small 
office. Pour times a member of the Illinois Legislature, and was a member 
of the Lower House of Congress. Yours &c., A. LixcoLisr.' Eaymond, 
Life of Lincoln. 



360 GRANT'S ai:>IPAIGX AGAIXST EICHMOXD. Ch. XI. 



persons even should make use of. Xotwithstanding tliis 
practice, Mr. Lincoln has shed increased splendour over 
his office. His speeches and public utterances were 
frequently grand in style and conception ; none more so 
than those which illustrate the closing epoch of the war, 
in which we shall shortly see him fio-urino; in the most 
happy and admirable course of conduct. Seldom does 
history show a more truly noble, a more truly ' kingly ' 
figure, than President Lincoln presents in the closing 
scenes which are now to draw on. Thus the man was fit 
for the place. 

Finally, in addition to Mr. Lincoln's fitness for the 
work, and the moral fitness of his being retained to grasp 
again the rulership of the South when reunited, there was 
a third reason why the voters should exult, and humanity 
rejoice, in the majority given for him. The great policy 
of emancipation — the great cause of freedom for the slave — 
was bound up in his candidature. General M'Clellan 
never avowed any sympathy for the black man, nor would 
have considered himself bound probably by Lincoln's acts 
in his favour."^ Lincoln, all his life, as an individual, the 
enemy of slavery, had adopted his emancipation policy 
with fervour immediately he believed it consistent with 
and helpful to his paramount. duty of preserving the Union. 
Now he would not swerve from it. Xow, therefore, though 
not at first, the war was a war for the abolition of slavery ; 
for, if the Southern States offered themselves, the President 
would not receive them back without provision being made 
for the freeing of the slaves. He was endeavouring by all 
means in his power to procure the passing of a constitutional 
amendment by Congress to give an additional force to 
his emancipation proclamation. This constitutional amend- 
ment had been brought forward some time before, had 
been passed in the Senate, and had obtained a majority 
* See his letter to President Lincoln of July 7, 1S62. 



Ch. XI. THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. 361 



in the House of Representatives ; but not, as yet, the two- 
thirds necessary for passing it. Just before the presidential 
election day, a number of State elections had taken place, 
which had resulted in still more favourable proportions 
to the Republican, Union, Abolitionist party ; insomuch 
that ir. the Senate there were 31 Republicans to 10 De- 
mocrats, and in the House 131 to 37. The Congress was 
therefore * in line ' with the President on all the grand 
points of the nation's problem ; and as soon as he himself 
was re-elected, by triumphant numbers, he stood forth 
the strongest and best sustained ruler in the world. 

Mr. Lincoln was anxious and care-ridden by the suspense 
for some time before the day ; whilst so, it is said. General 
Grant addressed sturdy words of encouragement to him. 
One evening, when the Lieutenant- General was at Wash- 
ington, on a flying visit from the camp before Petersburg, 
an officer of high rank called on him, who had just had a 
long private interview with the President, and had heard 
him express his misgivings as to the election near at hand, 
and his uncertainty and anxiety as to what would follow 
if M'Clellan took his place. Grant soon gave to this 
officer his more cheerful view of affairs. He believed that 
the President would be re-elected, and that the Federal 
cause would ultimately triumph. On leaving General 
Grant, the officer promptly repaired to the White House 
again. Midnight had passed, but he found Mr. Lincoln still 
pacing his room in moody meditation. When, however, 
he heard from the lips of the officer the words of General 
Grant, the President's face brightened somcAvhat, and 
giving over apparently his speculations on uncertain 
contingencies, he remarked, ' Well, I guess we can trust 
him, and he knows as well as any man.' ^ 

* This anecdote of Grant and Lincoln was related to Dr. Vaughan by 
the officer mentioned in it. Notes cn the United States since ihe war, 
British Quarterly/ Review, October 2, 1865. 



362 GRANT'S C.IIVIPAIGN AGAINST EICKIMOND. Ch. XI. 



Early in the year 1864 a few political observers had 
entertained the idea that Grant himself might be a candi- 
date against Lincoln for the Presidency — an idea which 
probably never entered Grant's head during that year ; 
since he must have reflected, that if the war were brought 
to a triumphant close, Lincoln, more than anybody, would 
claim the respect of the Union citizens. At this time, 
however, a gentleman suggested the idea to President 
Lincoln, saying that ' there was but one thing which 
could defeat his re-election, viz.. Grant's capture of 
Richmond, to be followed by his nomination at Chicago, 
and acceptance.' ^ Well,' said Mr. Lincoln, * I feel very 
much like the man who said he didn't want to die particu- 
larly, but if he had got to die that was precisely the 
disease he would like to die of.' * 

In the month of October there came to America a letter 
from the old country across the Atlantic, in which John 
Bright, the great ^ tribune of the people ' (as he has been 
called) expressed the earnest hopes cherished by all 
friends of the Union in England — in Europe generally — 
that Mr. Lincoln would be re-elected. The opposition 
had at one time been strong and menacing. The bulk of 
General M'Clellan's supporters were actuated to their 
course by that party feeling w^hich unfortunately is so 
strong in the United States, and in all Anglo-Saxon 
countries generally. It was to make a fight for the honour 
of the abstract idea — the Democratic party — that they 
voted, not with the object of destroying the Union. A 
few of the citizens of the North may have grown apathetic 
to their principles, and secretly willing to sacrifice the 
Union for the sake of peace, but they formed a very small 
proportion of the population. Few were the common 



* Moore, Anecdotes of the War, p. 447. 



Ch. XI. 



STRENGTH OF UNION FEELING. 



363 



people tliat were not still devoted to the Union, and willing 
that the war should be continued till it should be restored. 
In his message, a month after the election, the President 
could say : ^ 'No candidate for any office whatever, high 
or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he 
was for giving up the Union. There has been much 
impugning of motives, and much heated controversy as to 
the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union 
cause, but in the distinct issue of Union or no Union the 
politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that 
there is no diversity among the people.' 

But though the rank and file, and the candidate of the 
Democratic party were for the Union, there is little doubt 
that many of the leaders either formed part of, or acted in 
unison with a conspiracy of rabid Southerners, which would 
infallibly have done some harm to the Northern prospects 
could they have got their candidate in. That M'Clellan 
might be elected in the place of Lincoln was to the last 
moment the cherished hope of the Confederate govern- 
ment ; that alone is proof of the danger to Union prospects 
which would have attended his success. After the inter- 
\iew "with Greeley in July, some of the Confederate 
agents, whom the reader became acquainted with (Chapter 
YII.) remained in Canada, and with a numerous company 
of other refugees and ' sympathisers ' of equal or lower 
social position, applied themselves to various desperate 
schemes for obstructing Lincoln's re-election. It was 
their idea that by Confederate victories in the field, or by 
carrying war and destruction into Js'orthern territory, 
a sufficiently extensive disgust at the Avar would arise in 
Northern citizens to ruin Lincoln's chance. What 
damped the efforts of these crafty gentlemen was the 
extraordinary series of Federal successes which set in as 
election agitation came on. In the month of August, 



364 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 

probably M'Clellan's chances were best, or, to speak 
exactly, were least bad. Even in that month, however, 
Farragut's brilliant victory in Mobile Bay was a laurel 
for the administration, and a blow to the plans of the Con- 
federates and the ' Copperheads.' But in September and 
October the triumph of Sherman in Georgia, and of Sheridan 
in the Shenandoah Valley, was death to their hopes. It 
has been charo;ed ao;ainst President Lincoln's 2;overnment 
and against General Grant, that the two movements before 
Petersburg detailed in our last chapter — the unsuccessful 
assaults of the 1st and 27th October — were made simply 
to influence the election; to show vigour and attempt 
victory at the cost of soldiers' lives in order that more 
citizens might rally round. Mr. Lincoln. There may 
have been some such idea combined, though Grant makes 
no allusion to it in his frank report ; but the object of those 
operations — the extension of the lines — was useful, and 
not wanton. But it is certain now that the Richmond 
Government and its agents decided on that very influencing 
of military movements for political exigencies. It is 
probable that President Davis made the ' fighting ' Gene- 
ral Hood commander at Atlanta in July, through his 
wish for spirited action, which, if indecisive, might be 
brazened out as defeat for the North. And, as the election 
day drew nigh, the agents in Canada wrote urgently for 
some successes, somewhere or other, which might be used 
by the Democrats to cast shame on Lincoln's adminis- 
tration. The plain fact has been established, that when 
Early attacked Sheridan on the 19th October he was 
^ endeavourino* to collect Democratic ballots.' Thefollomncr 
letter had been sent a few days before from the Confederate 
aorents in Canada to the authorities in Richmond : — 

' October 13, 1864. 

^ We again urge the immense necessity of our gaining 



Ch. XI. 



CONFEDEEATES IN CANADA. 



365 



immediate advantages. Strain every nerve for victory. 
We now look upon the re-election of Lincoln in 
November as almost certain, and we need to whip his 
hirelings to prevent it. Besides, with Lincoln re-elected, 
and his armies victorious, we need not hope even for 
recognition, much less the help mentioned in our lasto 
Holcombe will explain this. Those figures of the Yankee 
armies are correct to a unit. Our friend shall be immedi- 
ately set to work as you direct.' * 

On receipt of this despatch the Confederate Govern- 
ment ordered a battle to be fought in the Shenandoah at 
once. It took place, and brought down on their own 
heads the crowning valley disaster detailed in our last 
chapter. 

The last words of the above letter seem to refer to the 
* secret service' for which, besides to obtain information, 
certain Confederate agents still remained in Canada. 
While sending their news and their luckless suggestions 
to Richmond, the agents were inaugurating a diminutive 
and disgraceful warfare on the northern portion of the 
Northern States. 

Unsolicitous for the neutral British territory which 
afforded them residence and protection, they sent forth a 
series of lawless outrages from the Canadian border. On the 
19th September a band of about thirty Confederates from 
Canada, having disguised themselves as passengers, cap-^ 
tured two American steamers plying on Lake Erie. The 
design of their leader. Captain Beall, comprised, it was sup- 
posed, further, the capture of the U. S. war steamer Michi- 
gan, and the release of a number of Confederate prisoners 
on Johnson's Island, in the south-west portion of the lake. 

* Letter in Cypher, translated and given in evidence by Major T. T. 
Eckert, May 20, 1865. Poore, Covspiraci/ 2Vkd for the Murder of the 
President (Boston, 1865), vol. ii. p. 56. 



366 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



But this they could not attain to^ and in a few days they 
were oblio'ed to take refuse in Canada ao-ain. Beall was 

o o o 

some time after made prisoner, on his venturing on the 
United States side of Niagara, and, after trial, was hanged 
at Xew York, as a spy and a pirate. 

On the 19th October (coincident with the battle of 
Middletown between Early and Sheridan) took place the 
more celebrated St. Alban's Raid. The little town of St. 
Alban's is in the north-west corner of the State of Vermont, 
about ten miles south of the boundary line dividing the 
United States from Canada. It is the petty metropolis 
of a brisk and thriving agricultural district, and contained 
in 1860 about 5,000 inhabitants. The Vermont Central 
Railroad runnino- throuo-h and havino- its offices at St. 
Alban's, gave it habitual animation, and occasional batches 
of visitors — passengers continually passing through to or 
from Canada, New York, or the New England States. 

To this cosy and contented little town, during the 
middle days of October, from twenty -five to thirty Con- 
federates quietly introduced themselves from Canadian 
territory, arriving in twos and threes, quite in the manner 
of those familiar acquaintances of boyish reading, the 
Forty Rohhers of the Arabian nights. Their leader, one 
Lieutenant Bennett Young, was the first of all to arrive, 
in order that he might make himself well acquainted vrith 
the topography of his destined theatre of ^ war.' The 
inhabitants of St. Alban's naturally looked ^vith some curi- 
osity at these strangers. Although they lodged as sepa- 
rately as possible at the different hotels and public-houses, 
they were frequently seen together, and they had a 
general resemblance in many peculiarities of dress. But 
no suspicions were awakened as to their object, and some 
of the good people of St. Alban's are said to have believed 
them to be * English sportsmen,' for considerable ignor- 



Ch. XI. 



THE ST, ALBAN'S EAID. 



367 



ance as to the characteristics of Englishmen prevails in 
the rural districts of Yankeeland. 

On the afternoon of the 1 9th these twenty-five men (for 
that seems the most accurate estimate) arranged them- 
selves in four parties of five, six, or seven each. Three of 
these companies had as their duty to attack the three banks 
which St. Alban's boasts. These banks were all offices on 
the ground floor, partaking more of the appearance of 
the French bureau de change than of the English bank- 
ing-house ; to none was there a porter or janitor, and the 
staff of each was probably a president, a cashier, and an 
out-door clerk. Each fell an easy prey to the Confederate 
brigands. Two men stationed themselves at the door ; 
two or three entered, and displaying bowie-knives and 
revolvers, morally annihilated the single clerk within, and 
hastily proceeded to help themselves to the wealth of the 
establishment. Altogether, from the three banks, they 
were said to have taken 200,000 dollars. 

Meanwhile the fourth and strongest party broke into 
the livery and hotel stables, in order to seize horses and 
equipments with which to retreat. They met with greater 
resistance than their comrades, for the grooms and stable 
helps, armed with pitchforks and shovels, showed better 
fight in defence of their quadrupeds than the bankers had 
for their money. But the Confederates mercilessly fired 
on all who resisted them, killino; one man and woundino- 
several. They succeeded in getting a sufficient number 
of horses, and their comrades having all accomplished 
their bank robberies, the whole party re-united, mounted 
in the outskirts of the town, and rode off with all speed 
for Canada. 

The citizens of St. Alban's were not long- in orffaniziner 
a pursuit. Those who could find steeds and arms rode after 
the raiders almost immediately. They came up with some 



368 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



of them just across the boundary line, and, Avith some 
assistance from Canadians, nearly one half were secured. 
Three were some weeks afterwards discovered in New 
Hampshire, where they had had the effrontery to take 
the bounty and enlist in the Federal army. 

Such was the St. Alban's Raid,* the direct or indirect 
sanction of which reflected great discredit on the Con- 
federate Government. It was vain to put about, as the 
Confederates began to do, that it was ^ vengeance for the 
devastation of the Shenandoah,' for there were no critics 
but were obliged to confess that that proceeding, though 
deplorably harsh, was (if unjust even) a genuine military 
measure, used for the purposes of recognised hostilities, 
whereas the raid on St. Alban's differs in nothing from 
the acts of burglars. It also appeared likely that it was 
planned before the devastation of the Shenandoah Valley 
(occurring only about ten days after). Besides this, it 
may be mentioned that a long time back, as early as July, 
some desperadoes of Confederate proclivities endeavoured 
to inflict a little raid on an undefended Northern district. 
A party from the British territory of New Brunswick had 
endeavoured to master the little village of Calais, Maine, 
in which there was at least one bank. 

The Confederate agents in Canada had still plenty of 
tools to execute their behests, and it is pretty certain that 
other outrages were afoot to follow up their idea of terri- 
fying the faint-hearted members of the North. On the 
2-nd November Mr. Seward, the Federal Secretary of 
State, announced to the Mayors of New York and Buffalo 
that he had received information from the British pro- 

^- New York, Canadian, and English newspapers. Eev. John Cordner, 
Address at Montreal, December 22, 1864. The leader of the raiders was 
duly owned as an officer in the Confederate service, by the Confederate 
Government. EehcL War Clerk's Diary. 



Ch. XI. 



THE CHICAGO PLOT. 



S69 



vinces of a conspiracy to fire the principal northern cities 
on the Presidential election-day. At Buffalo a few suspi- 
cions circumstances were reported, but at New York, 
where General Butler and considerable bodies of troops 
were stationed to maintain perfect order during the ballot- 
ing, nothing took place ; the election passed off more 
quietly than such an event had probably done for years. 
Only in the far West did the Confederate machinations 
come to lio'ht on the dav. In the srreat and now world- 
famous city of Chicago a plot was discovered to release a 
number of Confederate prisoners who were confined at a 
camp a few miles from the city, and very inefficiently 
guarded. If successful, the whole body of rescued and 
rescuers would have rushed into Chicago and thrown it 
into anarchy just as the election was taking place. It 
does not appear that the discovery of this plot had the least 
influence on the minds of voters, although the Democratic 
leaders instantly proclaimed loudly and widely that the 
loltole affair ivas a plot of the administration to defame 
them. Qui s excuse s'' accuse. Surely the ' Copperheads ' 
were gifted with lightning perceptions. The instant, well- 
nigh, that the plot was announced, they pronounced it 
a thing devised by the liepublicans. They wasted not 
a moment to examine the details of the discovery, and 
the event fell with greater celerity than usual into that 
obscurity which covers all the American war schemes 
whicli did not come off."^ 

The triumphant re-election of Lincoln was bitter 
news to the Confederate conspirators ; but they had com- 
pletely anticipated it latterly, and they did not relinquish 

* Duvergier de Hauranne, Hidt Mois en Amerique (Letters from Chicago, 
November 7 and 10). M. de Hauranne at first believed the plot to be 
trumped up, as the Democrats averred ; but on investigation he was com- 
pletely assured of its truth. 

B B 



GE ANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICIDIOND. Ch. XI. 



their unscrupulous machinations. On the 25th Novem- 
ber an attempt was made to burn New York. Fires 
were kindled by leaving quantities of phosphorus where 
it would i^ecome exposed to the air in the rooms of the 
liotels, and the furniture of the rooms was so arranged as 
to give full chance to the conflagration expected to break 
forth. Thirteen of the principal hotels were thus marked 
out for destruction by the incendiaries, who seem to have 
gone from each to each in quick succession, to leave behind 
tliem their inflammatory material. It was noticed that 
tlie ' New York,' in wh^'ch lari^e numbers of o-entlemen 
commonly believed to be Confederate refugees or Con- 
federate sympathisers were staying, was not thus treated. 
^Vailack's Theatre, Barnum's Museum, and the Academy 
of Ml"! sic, were attempted ; also two government barges 
in the river. Captain Kichard Cobb Kennedy, a native 
of Louisiana, was hanged for this attempt on the 2oth 
March, 1865. No more of these outrages took place, 
although it is believed that others were concocted. Soon 
after this, a few of the lowest and most desperate of the 
Southerners or Southern sympathisers began the darker 
and deadlier machinations which were to culminate in the 
awful tragedy of Ford's Theatre, Washington. 

Still, as the months wore away, the impression deepened 
in the people of the North that the end of the war was 
coming. The irregular attacks just detailed caused each 
but a momentary spasm of excitement ; still the grand 
field of war afforded fresh developments, and still, up to 
the last days of 1864, every Northern citizen, from Presi- 
dent to news-boy, was straining his eyes towards Georgia, 
and rejoicing in the successful progress of Sherman to- 
wards the sea. 

No movement of the war raised and preserved sucli an 
avidity for news as the march through Georgia. Its im- 



Ch. XL 



ATTEMPT TO BUKN NEW YORK. 



371 



portance and significance were fully appreciated by the 
people of the North, and the military excellence of its 
conduction, although great, was exaggerated beyond its 
real magnitude. General Sherman's great merits had 
been better displayed in his movement from Chattanooga 
to Atlanta than in that from the latter city to the sea. 
For it must be remembered that complete security from 
opposition was provided for Sherman in the latter m'ove- 
ment, Thomas drawing Hood's army from his rear, and 
Grant before Petersburg preventing Lee from dispatch- 
ing any efficient reinforcements to his front. But the 
novelty and brilliancy of the thing seized hold of public 
enthusiasm at once, and heightened it to the end. The 
mystery which hung over the march added zest to the 
attention of the Northern public. All Sherman's com- 
munication with the North being cut off, people and 
President alike could only trace their general's progress 
through the medium of the Southern newspapers. For 
weeks Sherman's position was not definable with any de- 
gree of certainty. At the same time it was difficult to 
say where he was not, and the North gloated over the 
Southern capitals long thought secure, which were begin- 
ning to dread the invader. ' I know where Sherman went 
in at,' said Mr. Lincoln, 'but I do not know where he 
will come out at.' In his message to Congress, delivered 
December 5, he concluded a brief reference to the 300 
miles' march in progress by saying, ' The result not yet 
being known, conjectures in regard to it are not here 
indulged.' There is yet another little memento of the 
President's eager speculation as to the progress of Sher- 
man's army. Running against an eminent member of 
Congress one day, he failed to recognise him at first, in 
his pre-occupied state of mind. Immediately he did so, 
however, he excused himself by saying that ' he was 

B B 2 



372 GRANT'S CAMP.UGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



thinking of a man doTrn South.' He afterwards acknow- 
ledged that the ^ man down South' was Sherman.* 

At last the clouds broke which partially concealed the 
marching army from the excited people. Arrived before 
Fort McAllister, as we have seen, communication was 
immediately opened with the fleet, and a few days after 
the following; teleoTam odaddened the President's heart: — 

o ~ o 

'Savannah : December 22, 1864. 
' His Excellency President Lincoln. 

* I beg to present you, as a Christmas gift, the city of 
Savannah, with one hundred and fifty heavy guns and 
plenty of ammunition, and also about twenty-five thou- 
sand bales of cotton. 

' T. Shermax, Major-General.' 

As soon as Sherman arrived at the coast, Grant had to 
decide as to the nature of his lieutenant's next movement. 
In the stage at which the w^ar had at last arrived there 
could be but one object for the Federal chief to strike. 
Thomas had just defeated Hood, and the South-west was 
practically ' a conquered country ;' Sherman had wasted 
all Georgia and destroyed all railway communication be- 
tween that State and Alabama, whither Hood's shattered 
forces were retreating ; a Federal force from the Missis- 
sippi, under Canby, was preparing to attack Mobile, the 
seaport of Alabama, and the largest city left to the Con- 
federates in the south-west. Of all the Confederate hosts 
and strongholds, Richmond and Lee's amiy only, at the 
close of the year 1864, remained unmodified by attack, 
and preserved the semblance of Southern invincibility. 
The capture or destruction of Lee's magnificent army was 

* Eaymond, Life of JAncohi. Noah Brooks, BccoUections of President 
Lincoln. Har;pers Monthly, July, 1865. 



Ch. XI. PLANS OF GRANT AND SHEEMAN. 373 

the grand work wliicli yet remained for the Lieutenant- 
GeneraL That accomplished, the end of the rebellion 
would not be far distant. To that purpose Grant had 
resolved that the bulk of Sherman's tried forces should 
be brought up to the south of Virginia to bar the possi- 
bility of Lee's army escaping from the tolls. The only 
point now in consideration by him was whether this mighty 
reinforcement should be transported by sea from Savan- 
nah to City Point, and added bodily to his own great host 
before Petersburg, or whether Sherman should lead it up 
through the Carolinas during January and February, to 
arrive in Virginia with the commencement of spring. He 
was not long in deciding on the latter movement, which 
would be far more effective, and would not allow the 
enemy any chance of untoward offensive movements, such 
as would be possible in the time required for the trans- 
portation by sea from Savannah to City Point. General 
Grant had at first sent instructions to await Sherman's 
arrival, ordering the transportation by sea (December 6); 
but he rescinded these on the 18th by another letter, in 
which he stated his matured opinion in favour of a march 
North through the Carolinas. He pretty well guessed 
how congenial the movement would be to Sherman, and 
doubted not that he would make of it a successful 
pendant to his march through Georgia. A few days 
after the 18th a crossed letter informed the Lieutenant- 
General how thoroughly Shermaii would fall in with this 
plan. 

' The confidence he manifested in this letter of beins: 
able to march up and join me pleased me,' says Grant in 
his report ; ' and without waiting for a reply to my letter 
of the 18th, I directed him on December 28 to make pre- 
parations to start as he proposed, without delay, to break 
up the railroads in North and South Carolina, and join 



GEANT's ca:\ipaigx AGAIXST PJCH:MOXr>. 



Ch. XI. 



the armies operating against Richmond as soon as he 
could.'* 

Thus something like the Confederate strategy of re- 
lief in June 1862 was now to be brouo^ht to bear against 
Eichmond, on a far greater scale. Like Stonewall Jack- 
sc>n hurrying from the interior of Virginia to join the left 
flank of his chief (Lee) in the attack on M'Clellan, Sher- 
man was to march up and take position on the left of his 
chief (Grant) in the final attack on Lee. Grant's combi- 
nation, like his means, was gigantic. Although it was 
yet unknown Avhat force the Confederates would assemble 
to oppose Sherman, it was still to be expected that the 
combined forces of Grant and Sherman would far out- 
number those and Lee's joined together. In this respect 
the comparison was to the adyantage of Confederate 
generalship. But the moyement of Sherman, unlike 
Jackson's, was to be performed through a hostile country 
in the face of opposition ; and the distance alone rendered 
it the task of weeks, not of days, like Jackson's, which 
was merely to bring his troops through the centre of his 
own State, with the assistance of railways to some extent. 
But Sherman, fresh from his march through Georgia, 
embraced with rapture its more arduous supplement, and 
boldly engaged unassisted to take his army, ^ at one 
stride,' from Sayannah, Georgia, to Goldsboro', Xorth 
Carolina.f 

Although Sherman demanded no assistance, the Lieu- 
tenant- General instituted the most complete measures for 
affording aid to the march. It had been determined that 
Fort Fisher and Wilmington should be taken, and that 
lodo-ement would afford one fresh base in case of need for 

o 

^' Grant's Eeport, p. 31. 

t Sherman's Eeport (Xo. 3.) from Goldslsoro*, Xorth Carolina, April 4, 
1864. 



Ch. XI. TONE OF THE EICHMOND NEWSPAPERS. 



375 



Sherman's army. Another a little to the north was to be 
procured by improving the post of Newbern^ pushing the 
Federal rule there farther inland. These two commands 
were to be given to General Schofield, who was coming 
west from Thomas's army with fresh troops. The fleet 
all along the sea coast of the Carolinas was to be on the 
alert. Charleston, it was anticipated, would be rendered 
untenable, and Admiral Dahlgren, besides his look-out 
for the seizure of that city, had his eyes on one or two 
little seaports which were to be occupied and held so as to 
be available for the landino- of reinforcements which mio^lit 
push on to Sherman in any sudden emergency. 

Great uneasiness was now spreading through the three 
States of Virginia and North and South Carolina. While 
the people of the North had been exulting, through the 
Avinter, at the progress of Sherman through Georgia, the 
Southern populace of the three States had been nursing 
the hope that that movement would in some manner come 
to grief. They were beginning to awaken to a true view 
of the state of affairs, and bitter indeed was the awaken- 
ing. Secessia's blood rushed to its heart on the arrival of 
Sherman at the sea coast. The news of the capture of 
Savannah, 400 miles distant, created a greater sensation in 
Richmond than had the attempts on Petersburg, but 
twenty miles distant, or the capture of Fort Harrison in 
its own outskirts. The newspapers endeavoured to dis- 
guise the gravity of the situation, yet the tone of their 
lucubrations w^as changed. One Examiner ') argued 
that. Savannah being neither a military nor a manufac- 
turing place, its loss was by no means a serious blow to 
the South ; but in the same breath declared that the gene- 
ral military state was eminently unsatisfactory ; another 

Sentinel ') advised ^ all cowards to leave immediately for 
England, Canada, or Mexico;' the rest Whig,' ^Dis- 



376 GEA:nT S C--UIPAIGX AG.-UXST EICHMO^'D. Ch. XI. 



patch/ ' Enquirer,') joined in predicting what everybody 
began to see, that Sherman would soon advance north, 
and that hard times were in store for the Carohnas. 

There was no alle^-iation for Richmond in the month 
of January 1865. Domestic affairs seemed to grow 
worse while war operations ceased for a brief time. The 
distress prevailing in the Confederate capital was becom- 
ing both harder and more extensive. People of respect- 
ability were suffering in many instances more than the 
lower classes, and besides dressing shabbily and dining 
poorly themselves. Confederate citizens had the dissatis- 
faction of seeing their soldiers also ill supplied and dete- 
riorating. The infantry were ill clad and ill shod, and 
the cavalry force was even worse off in many instances. 
In 1861, 62, and 63, regulation supply, aided by private 
means and often by the spoiling of the enemy, maintained 
the Southern horsemen iu a favourable condition — condi- 
tion superior to the infantry — but in 1864 all was altered; 
and in the latter part of the year, Government and private 
means being exhausted for most of them, and the spoiling 
of the enemy being no longer practicable, the very same 
men presented a miserable appearance. Many appeared 
utter tatterdemalions in attire, and were mounted on poor, 
weak, miserable animals, hardly better than moving skele- 
tons.* On January 25, General Lee issued an appeal to 
the Southern people to give the authorities all spare car- 
bines, pistols, saddles, and other cavalry equipments they 
might possess, as they were urgently needed. This bad 
condition of the troops might be noted by the populace of 
Richmond or Petersburg ; the army officers knew besides 
that its consequence — desertion — Avas still steadily in- 
creasing. On the news of the fall of Savannah, too, the 



* Bichmond during the War, p. 359. 



Ch. XI. 



CAPTAIN SEMMES IN RICHMOND. 



377 



Georgian troops serving in Virginia gave way to an ill- 
boding despondency and dissatisfaction. 

Just as the year 1864 closed, Richmond welcomed a 
wanderer — Captain Semmes, of the noted privateer Ala- 
bama. After the sinking of his ship off Cherbourg by 
the Kearsarge, Semmes had made some stay in England ; 
then, finding that the English Government had firmly set 
its face against further war-ships being smuggled out for 
Confederate service, he returned to the Confederacy by 
the roundabout way of the West Indies and Mexico. 
Despite the evidences of disorganisation which met him 
on every hand, as he travelled slowly through the South- 
west to Richmond — slowly, for quickness, owing to Federal 
destruction of roads, was no longer possible — Semmes 
appears to have believed still that all would turn out right 
for his cause in the end, and freely expressed himself 
that Texas alone would be able to fight for many years 
against tlie Yankees, were the rest of the South to be 
subdued. Such an idea was all very well whilst he was 
passing through Texas, but it must have fallen rather 
flatly on Richmond minds.* 

Inspired by the arrival of Semmes, the Richmond 
Government attempted a naval operation against their 
investors. Captain Semmes (created Admiral) was not 
destined to redress on the James the defeat he had suffered 
in the English Channel. On the night of January 24 
four ironclads and four small wooden gunboats, which had 
been constructed at great cost and labour at Richmond, 
endeavoured to force their way through the obstructions 
which Grant's naval co-operatives had placed across the 
river to protect the bridges and the works at Dutch Gap 
Canal. One of the ironclads, of lighter draught than her 

^' Letter of Captain Semmes from Alexandria, Louisiana, December 7, 
1861. 



378 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



companions, passed the boom, but the three larger vessels 
grounded ; and when daylight broke, the Federal batteries 
firmg with better aim than in the night, obliged the 
flotilla to draw back to the neighbourhood of Richmond. 

A gleam of sunshine suddenly illumined the Confede- 
rate capital — a cranny of escape from the tremendous 
difficulties gathering round it seemed suddenly to open on 
the South. Unofficial peace negotiations became again, 
during the month of January, the order of the day ; and 
while the more credulous portion of the North thought 
that the Confederacy was about to re-enter the Union, 
and the more credulous portion of the South indulged, 
in the hope that the Federal Government was, at the 
eleventh hour, going to stop the war and ^ recognise ' the 
South, the clever, astute, and accomplished politicians at 
the head of Southern affiiirs were secretly confident and 
exultant with the belief that out of the barren diplomacy 
fence approaching they would at least be able to extract 
that very desirable thing for their cause, an armistice. 
The event proved all three to be equally self-deceived. 

jMr. Francis Blair, father of a gentleman till very 
recently of President Lincoln's Cabinet, and himself on 
terms of intimacy with the President, appears, about the 
end of December (1864), to have resolved on attempting 
the difficult part of an unofficial peacemaker. By posi- 
tion and experience no Northern man could be better 
qualified for such an undertaking. It was specially in 
his favour that he was well known to, and, in the old 
times, an esteemed acquaintance of Jefferson Davis. 
Knowing thus thoroughly both the ruler he was working 
for and the Rebel chief on whom he was about to try the 
suaviter in modo, Mr. Blair had plausible grounds for the 
belief that he was the man to bring North and South, by 
their rulers, into accord. On these grounds he betook 



Ch. XI. 



BLAIE'S PEACE NEGOTIATION'S. 



379 



himself confidently to tlie Rebel capital, as an^ unofficial ' 
envoy from the Xorth. He soon found his self-assumed 
task to be both awkward and difficult. The President 
had given him no authorisation nor instructions — he was, 
in very fact, ^ unofficial.' Mr. Lincoln said, referring 
to these transactions after their failure, * he gave Mr. 
Blah' no mission, but only pe-r-mission.' 

On his first movement Blair was stopped short at 
Grant's camp before Petersburg, either for some infor- 
mality in his pass, or because it did not include his son, 
who was with him. Returning again by himself with an 
effective document, the watchful Grant let him through 
the lines, and he arrived in Richmond on January 11 
(I860). He saw Mr. Davis, Benjamin (Secretary of 
State), Seddon (Secretary of War), and other prominent 
men of the Southern Government or Congress. Finally, 
after a stay of three or four days, he returned to Washing- 
ton, bearing a letter from the Head of the Rebellion for 
President Lincoln's perusal. In this letter Jefferson 
Davis expressed his willingness to receive or send an 
official Commissioner, and so again * enter into a confer- 
ence with a view to secure peace between the two coun- 
tries.' Mr. Blair called on Mr. Lincoln immediately on 
his return, related his visit, and handed him the letter 
(January 16). That Blair had brought such a document 
was imknown to the public ; but when he went back 
again to Richmond a week after, many people, both 
North and South, believed peace to be brewing. The 
newspapers, however, both of New York and Richmond, 
displayed almost unanimously great sagacity, prophesying 
that the contest could not be ended as affairs then stood, 
and that nothing would come of the negotiations. And 
President Lincoln openly told some of his leading sup- 
* Eaymoncl, Life of Lincoln, p. 662. 



380 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



porters that such was his opinion. Much as the President 
longed for peace — meaning by the word simply a termina- 
tion of warfare — of peace as between two countries he 
would not brook the idea. (January 18.) He wote out 
a letter for Mr. Blair to take back to Richmond, intima- 
ting that in all things consistent with the preservation of 
the Union and the freedom of the slave, the fullest gene- 
rosity to the South should be shown if it would give 
up the war, and that he was ' ready to receive any agent 
whom Mr. Davis, or any other influential person now 
resisting the national authority, may informally send me, 
with a view of securing peace to the people of our common 
country.' 

Mr. Blair made a second stay of two or three days in 
Kichmond, and finally returned to Washington, having 
arranged that three Southern Commissioners should come 
north to have a personal interview with President Lin- 
coln. Arrangements were made by the President, and 
Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, for meeting them at 
Fortress Monroe, it being thought undesirable that they 
should proceed to Washington. It was resolved also, 
that before comino^ to business a sort of ag^reement should 
be obtained from them that their basis of negotiation was 
that of Lincoln's letter of the l8th. By dexterous man- 
agement, however, the three Southerners — Mr. A. H. 
Stephens (Vice-President), Mr. P. M. T. Hunter (Sena- 
tor), and Judge J. A. Campbell — contrived to get admit- 
ted into Grant's camp, and eventually to hold the con- 
ference without expressly acceding to this stipulation. 
They arrived on the day that Grant returned to camp 
from a trip to Fort Fisher, and he, not fully acquainted 
with, or not fully comprehending the state of afPairs, 
after sending and receiving messages to and from Wash- 
ington, and conversing personally (without commitment) 



Ch. XI. 



HAMPTON EOADS CONFEEENCE. 



381 



with the Kichmond gentlemen, yentured to urge the 
President to come and meet them, though against his 
latest resolution, on account of the possible misconstruc- 
tion which friends or foes might put on the abrupt sending 
back of peace envoys."^ 

Influenced by Grant's letter, the President changed 
his resolve, and telegraphed that he would come. Mr. 
Seward was already at Fortress Monroe, Lincoln quickly 
joined him, and the remarkable Hampton Roads Con- 
ference took place. 

(February 3, 1865.) On a steamer anchored off Fort 
Monroe the President of the United States and his 
chief counsellor met face to face and amicably the three 
actual and representative Rebels ; and ere a word had 
been spoken the resolutions of each party were so firmly 
and conflictingly fixed, that the conference might as well 
have broken off at once. But as yet neither knew per- 
fectly the other's mind, and Lincoln and Seward listened 
with rapt attention to the skilful and insinuating overtures 
of the ' Richmond gentlemen.' 

Mr. Hunter was the spokesman of the three Confede- 
rates. Stephens, however, occasionally joined in. Lin- 
coln, on the other side, spoke more than Seward. No 
person besides these five were present. No papers were 
exchanged or produced, and it was agreed in advance 
that the conversation was to be informal and verbal only. 
Lincoln put to his guests the proposition of the Unio*L in 
every conceivable form or light, suggesting the liberal 
and considerate modification of anything in the action or 
legislation of the Federal Government, apart from eman- 
cipation, that might be regarded as specially hostile or 
wounding to the interests or sentiments of the Southern 

* Report of President Lincoln on the Hampton Ecads Conference (enclos- 
ing all correspondence), dated Fclu-uary 10, IbOo. 



382 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



people, assuring them that the utmost liberality and 
oblivion of difference should be endeavoured for on their 
giving up resistance to the national authority. The 
commissioners, however, declared at the outset their en- 
tire lack of authority to entertain, and practically their 
rejection of any terms of peace other than the absolute 
recognition of the independence of ^ The Confederate 
States.' Lincoln met them at every point by the assu- 
rance that such recognition was utterly and totally out 
of the question. Soon after the beginning of the conver- 
sation the Commissioners, addressing more especially, it 
would seem, Mr. Seward, suggested that an alliance of 
more than ordinary closeness might be formed between 
the two o'overnments. Althouo-h Xorth and South Avere 
not immediately to re-unite, there might be a mutual 
direction of their efforts to some extrinsic policy or scheme 
for a season, during which passions might be expected to 
subside. This thin disguise of words meant, unmis- 
takeably, that they offered, as a bribe for recognition, to 
devote the Confederate armies to aid those of the iSTorth 
in warfare against England or France ; to conquer 
Canada, or drive the French from the recently estab- 
lished empire of Mexico. To this suggestion, after con- 
sideration, Lincoln and Seward would not accede, and 
again insisted on the submission of the South as the only 
way of stopping hostilities.* Animated and unswerving 
as both parties were, the conference was conducted in 
the most pleasant and friendly disposition on both sides. 
All points of strife or alleged obstacles to re-union 
were discussed with the greatest freedom. Mr. Lincoln 
had a bitter pill in store, however, which it v^^as necessary 

* Seward, Letter to Mr. Adams, United States Minister at London. JS^ew 
York Times. Bichmond Examiner. 



Ch. XI. 



HAMPTOX EOADS CONFEEENCE. 



883 



to administer. He told the Commissioners of the adoption 
by Congress, three days before, of the constitutional 
amendment which declared that ' neither slavery nor in- 
voluntary servitude, except for crime,' should exist within 
the United States. He prefaced this news, probably 
quite fresh to them (as they would not have been told it 
in camp), by emphatically pronouncing that his terms for 
peace were just those stated in the conclusion of his mes- 
sage in December, and that slavery he was resolved 
sliould die. Mr. Hunter seized on this announcement 
to urge, as an argument, why the South* could not 
be expected to re-unite — and as an instance of the 
mistaken views of the North — that very emancipation 
policy. He descanted in the old approved Southern style 
on the laziness of the ^ everlasting nigger,' his ^ protec- 
tion ' by his masters, his habituation to the mild rule of 
an ^overseer.' If left to himself, he (and the whites too) 
would starve. 

' That reminds me of a little story,' said Mr. Lincoln, 
suddenly swinging forward in his chair. (It was the well- 
known characteristic of the President, breaking out on this 
grave occasion.) Messrs. Hunter, Stephens, and Campbell 
burst out with unrestrained laughter ; Lincoln and Seward 
good-humouredly joined ; after which Lincoln proceeded 
to relate, as ^ of a man out in Illinois,' the parable (for 
aught we know, the original one) of ' root hog or die.' 
The application was that the negroes were not deficient 
in the sense of common life, and would certainly work, 
free, rather than starve. * 

Another episode in the conversation illustrates better 
the real humour which there was in Abraham Lincoln. 

■"■ Eaymond, Life of Lincoln. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 
vnth A. Lincoln (New York, 1867). 



384 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



The Commissioners, in pursuance of the leading idea they 
had at heart — delay of war operations — were asking for 
further public negotiations, and urging that for that pur- 
pose he might treat officially and ceremoniously with 
their President. This was nothing less than a proposition 
that he should treat ' Rebel leaders ' as a leoitimate 
Government, — and Lincoln promptly intimated as much. 
' That,' said he, * would be doing what you so long 
asked Europe to do in vain, and be resigning the only 
thino- the armies of the Union are fio;htino; for.' 

Mr. Hunter made a long reply, insisting that the re- 
cognition of Davis' power to make a treaty was the first 
and most indispensable step to peace, and referring to the 
correspondence between King Charles the First and his 
Parliament as a reliable precedent of a constitutional ruler 
treatmg with rebels. 

Mr. Lincoln's face then wore that Indescribable expres- 
sion wdiich generally preceded his hardest hits, and he 
remarked, ' Upon questions of history I must refer you 
to Mr. Seward, for he is posted in such things, and I 
don't profess to be ; but my only distinct recollection of 
the matter is, that Charles lost his head.' That settled 
Mr. Hunter for a while. ^ 

The conference drew to a close. Some further pro- 
positions or indirect pleadings for an armistice seem to 
have been made by the Confederates, which Lincoln 
patiently heard, but constantly rejected. It is supposed 
by some chroniclers of this strange meeting that the Con- 
federate gentlemen had bound themselves to Mr. Davis 
not to listen to any terms of peace save independence, 
and that in their own minds they had a presentiment that 

* Account of tlie conference published (after the close of the ■war) in the 
Ai'qusta (Ga.) Chronicle, said to hare been drawn up by one of the three 
Commissioners — Vice-President A. H. Stephens. 



Ch. XI. 



HAMPTON EOADS CONFEEENCE. 



385 



it would be well to give up the war even without that. 
If that was their real state of feeling, of what a strange 
irony of fate were they unconsciously the instruments ! 
By adhering rigidly to his in str actions they were in 
reality consigning Jefferson Davis to a two years' im- 
prisonment within the walls of the fortress at which they 
were vacantly gazing during the conference. 

Discussion ended after lasting four hours. It was 
understood by both parties that the relations between 
them were to be the same as if the conference negotiations 
had never taken place. Thus after warfare for very 
nearly four years had gone by, these eminent men had met 
peacefully for the brief space of four hours ; and the only 
practical result was that they had exchanged, face to face, 
emphatic defiance. The Southern Commissioners with- 
drew composedly, and with impassive faces. Lincoln was 
again to them a ^ tyrant,' and they to him and Seward 
* wicked traitors.' They parted simply. * God bless you. 
Hunter,' said Seward, as they two separated. Had that 
accomplished Virginian gentleman been captured by 
Federal troops or citizens, Seward would have ^ rung his 
little bell,' and ordered him to a Federal dungeon ; but, 
meeting with him under a safe-conduct, the Federal 
statesman could not resist saying a word of affection to 
his old fellow-senator. 

Barely twenty-four hours had elapsed after the re- 
appearance of the Southern Commissioners, unsuccessful, 
in the streets of Richmond, when the din of war echoed 
again on Lee's lines. Just before leaving Washington to 
hold the conference at Hampton Roads, President 
Lincoln sent to his Lieutenant-General the following 
brief message : — 



c c 



386 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOXD. Ch.XI 



'War Department, Washington, February 1, 1865. 
' Lieutenant- General U. S. Grant, City Point, Va. 
' Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or 
delay your military movements or plans. 

'^A. Lincoln.' 

Grant had no serious purpose against Petersburg or 
Kichmond. Their fall, he knew now, was only a question 
of time. He made no feint with one flank to afford the 
other a chance ; he simply extended his left to seize the last 
position necessary to he acquired as a preliminary to the 
capture of Richmond. (February 5 to 7). — On the morn- 
ing of the oth, the oth corps and two divisions of the 2nd 
corps moved out to Hatcher's E,un, the principal of a 
quartet of little streams which ran southward, just to the 
w^est of the camp before Petersburg, all having their 
sources two or three miles south of the River Appomattox, 
and all merging into Rowanty Creek. Hatcher's Run 
had now for some time formed the extreme right of Lee's 
lines. Much as it strained his diminished and diminishing 
force, the Confederate chief had contrived till now to keep 
his line right on to the Run, thereby overlapping Grant's, 
and keeping secure his communications by the vv^est. 
Grant's movement was designed to take the Run from 
him, and make his own the overlapping line of fortifica- 
tions. A continual struggle was waged for three days at 
Hatcher's Run — sufficient fighting with fortune, varied 
enough to animate each side, and so great an amount of 
marching and counter-marching through the woods as to 
effectually exhaust the combatants. Rain was falling, and 
freezing as it fell, most part of the time. The Confederates 
were at last fain to give over attacking : so Grant's purpose 
was accomplished, and his lines permanently extended to 
the Run. His losses during the three days were about 



Ch. XI. 



FIGHTING AT HATCHER'S EUN. 



387 



IjOOO. The Confederates lost several hundreds, and an 
able youDg general, Pegram. Quiet prevailed on Grant^s 
lines through all the rest of February, but there was no 
lull in the excitement and dismay which reigned among 
the intelligent in Richmond. Confusion now prevailed 
in the Confederate capital — the confusion of King Agra- 
mant's camp. Some of the newspapers were pouring 
forth every day a torrent of abuse on the head of Presi- 
dent Davis, charging him with all the disasters which had 
lately befallen the Confederacy ; the President and the 
Congress were openly at loggerheads on the same senti- 
ment ; the names of the military chiefs were dragged into 
the dispute, and the cry soon arose that Lee should be 
created General-in-Chief, and made virtually * Dictator.' 
Yes ! the man whose ambition, or whose vanity, had made 
him take a leading part in concocting the rebellion, and 
accept with delight the Presidency, was now, after un- 
doubted hard work in the cause, compelled to hear many 
of his own subjects vociferate — ^ Depose Davis ; he is in- 
capable.' Mr. Davis apparently could not brook the idea 
of having his power limited ; and though he replied re- 
spectfully, in January, to the recommendations of the 
Congress to nominate Lee Generalissimo, it was a week 
or two before he would do it. The Legislature also 
liinted at the supersession of one or two of the members 
of his Cabinet. He then denied, in a letter, the right of 
such control being exercised over his appointments. The 
' liichmond Examiner ' sharply criticised this letter — said 
that the recommendation of the Legislature deserved a 
])etter answer. Groaning in spirit, probably, Mr. Davis 
made the changes. Lee was created General-in-Chief, 
and General Breckenridge was made Secretary of War, 
in place of Mr. Seddon. 

At last, too, the contingency so long looked at askance 



388 GRANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAIXST EICmiO^'D. Ch. XI. 



by Southern men of property, presented to tlieni in 
a manner that admitted of no shirking. Many of their 
leadino- men now told them that their slaves must be en- 
rolled as soldiers, and, as the recompense of their exertions, 
made freemen. Some members of the Government, and 
nearly all the newspapers, suddenly urged this measure, 
with the utmost coolness, on the astonished planters, who 
knew well that the basis on which the Confederacy had 
been formed was that of the maintenance, and propa- 
gation even, when possible, of slavery. Such a measure 
as this would touch them wliere, despite their ' chivalry,' 
most of them were sensitive — their pockets. Their pride, 
too — that pride of means and estate which made them 
contemn the 'mean whites' — caused many of them to 
revolt at the idea of freeing their 'nigros.' But their 
President and Government seemed determined to force the 
measure on them. General Lee, too, perhaps at Mr. 
Davis' suggestion, made a statement encouraging the 
project, mth the prcvdso that all slaves enrolled should 
have their freedom after service made sure to them. 

If General Lee believed with the other advocates that 
a large force of slaves would, even on these terms, fight 
A^ith a good spirit in the Southern cause, he was, accord- 
ing to all indications, extraordinarily self-deluded. Al- 
though no slave insurrection took place during the war ; 
although the slaves may have been in many instances 
well disposed to their white superiors, and attached even 
to their indi^-idual masters, they had not so misconceived 
their own interests as to be capable of raising a hand 
willingly against the forces marching under that flag — 
the ' Stars and Stripes ' — of which the stripes could no 
longer be construed as meaning the enforced servitude of 
the black man.*^ 

* One thing was clear from this scheme of the Confederate leaders — 



Ch. XI. 



SOUTHERN EXASPERATION. 



389 



All this while, President, Congressmen, and journalists 
in Richmond, were united and decided on one point — 
hatred and abuse of their unrelaxing antagonists. The 
unsuccessful peace conference was the occasion for ex- 
hibiting afresh these sentiments. ' The vile Yankees ! ' 
^ The ignoble Lincoln ! ' — such were the expressions with 
which the newspapers teemed. ^ Better the benediction 
of Satan than of Seward,' cried one, in reference to the 
innocent ' God bless you ' with which the Federal Secre- 
tary had parted from Hunter on February 3. Yet the 
valour of the South seemed still true. After consultation," 
Mr. Davis, the members of his Cabinet, and some of the 
principal Congressmen, called a mass-meeting, designed 
^ to fire the Southern heart ' once more. It took place — 
two meetings in fact took place, one after the other — and 
for the moment Southern enthusiasm seemed indeed to 
be lighted afresh, and to burn with greater vigour than 
ever. Mr. Davis made a speech, devoted wholly to abuse 
and menace of the enemy : — ' If all heartily and unani- 
mously answered the demands of the present exigency, 
then he could say that the South stood upon the verge of 
success, which would teach the insolent enemy who had 
treated the Southern people with contumely that in that 
conference in which he had so plumed himself with arro- 
gance he was, indeed, talking to his masters.' Mr. Ben- 
jamin, his Secretary of State, spoke more to the purpose: 
^ All cotton, tobacco, and provisions must be given to 
support the Southern cause. Let us now say to every 

that they considered freedom a thing to be desired by the slave. The 
accomplished Virginian, Mr. Hunter, thus frankly expressed himself on the 
subject of arming and freeing the negroes : — ' If we are right in passing this 
measure, we were wrong in denying to the old Government the right to inter- 
fere M-ith slavery, and to emancipate slaves. If we offer the slaves their 
freedom as a boon, we confess that we are insincere and hypocritical in 
saying slavery was the best state for the negroes themselves,' 



390 aEANT'S CAMPAIG]S' AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



ne^rro who Ydslies to 2^0 into the ranks on conditions of 
being free, " Go and fight — you are free I "... I know 
not where white men can be found.' 

Scarcely had the war mass-meeting raised a faint 
flicker of confidence and enthusiasm in the people of 
Richmond, when fresh bad tidings came to them from 
the South. SheiTnan was on the war-path again, and 
seemed to be gradually coming their way. About the 
middle of January, the ^ Ptichmond Dispatch ' said, 
' Shennan's repose at Savannah is the repose of a tiger.' 
Only the obstacles of the elements, indeed, j)revented 
Grrant's great subordinate from springing on South Caro- 
lina during January ; and only the extremity of these, for 
he was prepared to cope with much in the w^ay of swamp 
and forest in hewing his way through to Virginia. It 
was to be no partial pleasure-trip, Kke the march through 
Georgia ; but his seasoned soldiers were ready to go 
through the hardships of a march, he knew, as well as its 
smoothnesses. Till the end of January, however, the 
heavy rains had kept at their highest pitch the obstacles 
presented by the swamps. On one day, the General, re- 
connoitring in person the line of Salkehatcliie, found that 
the river had been so swollen that water stood in the 
swamps, for a breadth of more than a mile, at a depth of 
from one to twenty feet. During the month of January, 
therefore, he mystified the enemy by making various de- 
monstrations leadinfy him to believe that he intended to 
move eastward on Charleston. But the great marcher 
had not the remotest intention of doing so in reahty. 
He knew that Charleston would be obliged to be evacu- 
ated by the enemy, if his real movement proved success- 
ful. He simply instructed a subordinate oflficer. General 
Forster, how to take possession at the proper time. 

^Vith all their efforts, the army which the Confederates 



Ch. XI. 



SHEE^IAN IX SOUTH CAEOLIXA. 



391 



were organising in Shennan's front was not ready to offer 
liim efficient resistance. It numbered now abont 35.000 
men^ and was headed by Beauregard. That general, 
whose name was associated with the rebellion earlier than 
that of any other warrior, was fully a^vare of the changed 
condition of Federal and Confederate power. He had 
just made a speech, in which he said that he should light 
to the bitter end ; but he closed it by the ominous words, 
that if he f^iiled, he could pay his passage to a foreign 
country. 

On February 1, ere the peace negotiations had come 
to a point, Sherman gave the order of march, and began 
to move boldly away from all communications with his 
frienels, as he had from Atlanta. On the 3rd, his advance 
— Mower's and Smith's divisions of -the 17th corps — 
carried the first Confederate line of defence at Rivers 
Bridge on the Salkehatchie, held by infantry and artillery, 
and covered by a swamp nearly three miles wide, with 
water varying from knee to shoulder deep. The weather 
was bitterly cold ; but Generals ]Mower and Smith led 
their divisions in person on foot, waded the swamp, made 
a lodgement below the bridge, and, after a sharp contest, 
drove the defenders in confusion towards Branchviile. 
Sherman's total loss in this engagement was one officer and 
17 men killed, and 70 men wounded. Once fairly started, 
Sherman moved on apace, for the Confederates fell back 
before him without fighting, and he began to get out of 
the extreme swampy region. After some skmnishing 
he crossed the Edisto River, and stood upon the railway 
track, just west of Branchviile (February 10). Im- 
mediately bis experienced soldiers set to Avork on the 
rails, and by tearing them up for a length of forty miles 
west from Branchviile, the last link connecting Rich- 
mond with the South-west (Georgia, Alabama, and 



392 



GEAXT'S C-i:\IPAIGN AGAIXST EICHMOXD. Ch. XL 



Mississippi) was severed. Speedy concentration of the 
Confederate forces was prevented by the same operation ; 
a portion lay on his right hand, and the main body, under 
Beauregard, on his left. Kllpatrick's cavalry now pushed 
on towards Augusta, and met and fought that of the 
enemy under "Wheeler. 

South Carolina was at last feeling all the horrors of 
war — from which, till now, all but its seacoast fringe had 
been exempted. A peculiar feeling of hatred was felt to 
this State by all Unionists, as it had been the first to 
secede, and the original concocter of rebellion. Sher- 
man's march through this State was, it is sad to say, 
marked by much deplorable \dndictive devastation. His 
orders authorised nothing beyond such exaction from the 
country as would subsist his army. In the execution of 
this, his foragers — ' bummers,' as they were called — were 
very unscrupulous : and though Southern partisan feeling 
has exaggerated much, probably there was — it is but too 
evident— a great deal of brutality and wilful robbery 
(distinct from foraging) committed. 

Sherman's prompt movements disconcerted all the plans 
of the three or four able strategists opposing him. The 
main body of the Confederates was at Columbia, the 
State capital of South Carolina ; there Beauregard was 
anxiously waiting for the arrival of reinforcements which 
were coming through Georgia, under Cheatham, late of 
Hood's army. A small reinforcement had already come 
to him ; Lee at Richmond, weak in numbers as he was, 
had sent a portion of his cavalry under Wade Hampton 
to South Carolina."^ But the most valuable force which 
could have been joined to Beauregard's was that under 
Hardee in Charleston. Sherman had just severed this 
from Beauregard, and now he marched vigorously upon 

* "Wade Hampton's liome vr&s at Columbia. 



Cii. XI. 



FALL OF CHARLESTON. 



393 



Columbia. Columbia was about sixty miles nortli-west 
of his position near Brancbviile ; Charleston was about 
as many to the east. Till he moved, the Confederates 
.could not divine but that he was going to swing his army 
round on Charleston ; thus it was that Hardee had re- 
mained in and before that city with his forces — about 
20,000 men. Sherman, however, knew better than to 
waste his time on Charleston. Like a skilful chess-player, 
his move was calculated, to bring under two pieces at one 
blow. Directly Hardee learnt that the invader was 
moving on Columbia, he began to evacuate Charleston ; 
for, in the present extreme weakness of the Confederacy, 
it would not do to keep his 20,000 men there whilst the 
very heart of the Confederacy was struck, and Beaure- 
gard's army was not strong enough to resist. That 
Charleston had been held so lono; is said to have been 
owing to the desire of President Davis merely. It would 
have been advantageous to have evacuated it earlier. 
On the 17th Hardee marched olF in a northerly direction, 
and on the 18th Charleston was occupied by the land 
and naval forces of the Federals, representatives of which 
had been constantly in front of it from the first year of 
the war. Before evacuating, the Confederates burnt up- 
wards of 6,000 bales of cotton, and fired the public build- 
ings. The fire spread, caught some ammunition, and 
destroyed great part of the city, the largest of the JSouth 
except the long-captured New Orleans. 

The day before Charleston was occupied, Columbia 
had been entered by Sherman. On the night of the 
loth the head of his columns arrived in the vicinity of 
that city on the south bank of the Congaree River. The 
enemy, who were close by on the other side, shelled the 
camp which Sherman's soldiers pitched, but without ef- 
fecting much damage. On the 16th Sherman's whole 



394 GRAXrS CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICB3I0ND. Ch. XI. 



army was opposite Columbia : he shelled certain points of 
the city, where stores were seen being removed. On the 
morning of the 17th the Mayor came out in a carriage 
and formally surrendered the city to General Sherman ; 
at that very hour, however, a small party of Sherman's 
17th corps (Iowa men) had crossed the Congaree in an 
old flat-boat, and were enterhig it from a point immedi- 
ately west. It was with much satisfaction that they ran 
up the Union flag on the Capitol of South Carolina. 
General Wade Hampton's cavalry had but just quitted the 
city, having, according to General Sherman's statement, 
piled and strewed about the street a vast number of bales 
of cotton for burnino;. In the niadit a o-reat confla":ration 
arose, which destroyed almost the whole city, one of the 
finest of the South, containing many handsome buildings, 
both public and private ; amongst the latter. General 
Hampton's own house perhaps the first in importance. It 
seems likely that the fire was caused by released Federal 
prisoners, combining with negroes and others.^ 

Sherman could make no stay in the half-destroyed city. 
Beauregard's army was at last likely to be reinforced, 
and Sherman therefore pushed steadily on to reach his 
base, Goldsboro.' The measures concerted by Grant to 
make all thino^s smooth for his establishinir himself there 
were already meeting with complete success. The whole 
of Grant's vast combinations, Sherman's movement in- 
cluded, were now working like clockwork. Admiral 
Porter and General Schofield had one by one and day by 
day captured all the defences along the Cape Fear River, 
and on the 22nd occupied Wilmington. From that seaport 
to Goldsboro' was seventy miles ; to Fayetteville, where 

* Sherman's Rer)ort (No. 3). IngersoU, 7o?/'fl and tJie Behellion. Pollard, 
Lost Cause. Lee avd his Liev.tcnants. For the occupation of Charleston, 
see Coffin, Four Years of Fighting. 



Ch. XI. 



CAPTUEE OP COLUMBIA. 



895 



Sherman must first arrive, sixty miles. On that day 
Sherman's army was laying its pontoons over the Catawba 
River, 130 miles to the west of Fayetteville. Kilpatrick's 
cavalry crossed, last, in the night of the 23rd, during a 
terrible rain. On the 2nd and 3rd of March they were 
at Chesterfield, ninety miles from Fayetteville. Beyond 
cavalry engagements and petty skirmishes, no obstruction 
had been offered to their march. On March 9 Kilpatrick 
had a very sharj^ engagement with Wade Hampton. As 
he lay camped for the night in Sherman's rear, Hampton 
and his horsemen pounced down upon him very soon after 
midnight. Hampton himself led the rush on his head- 
quarters, while the rest of his camp was also attacked. 
Nearly all Kilpatrick's officers were made prisoners. 
Kilpatrick himself, flying on foot, succeeded in reaching 
the encampment of his men, where he found them fighting 
and being driven. He rallied them in a swamp 500 yards 
back, led them on again, and retook his camp, which the 
Confederates had begun to plunder. 

Beauregard's forces were now at Charlotte, North 
Carolina. In chief command, with Beauregard willingly 
assisting him, was General J oseph E. Johnston, the same 
who at Atlanta had not been allowed a fair trial by the 
Confederate Government. The Confederate people were 
thought to desire his reappointment, which Lee, now 
Commander-in-Chief, had acceded to. The forces under 
him were now increasing considerably ; Cheatham's corps 
from the South-west, which had for many days been 
marching in the rear of Sherman's left, was at last draw- 
ing up to Charlotte. Hardee's forces, too, succeeded in 
heading Sherman from his right, joined with Hampton's 
cavalry, and marched towards Raleigh, where a general 
concentration was to take place under General Johnston. 
Although he had the longer route, Sherman nearly 



396 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



caught up Hardee, for that general's forces and Wade 
Hampton's cavalry had but just burnt the bridge of the 
Cape Fear River, when, on March 11, his advanced 
divisions reached Fayetteville. 

The news of Sherman's success in his movement had 
reached quickly to the Confederate Government only. 
The Richmond populace, and the people and the Govern- 
ment of the North, only received tidings of Sherman's 
advance by driblets ; the former because their Govern- 
ment was now chary of stating the military position, the 
latter because of the lack of communication with Sherman. 
The Confederate President had been deeply chagrined by 
the result of the Hampton Roads conference. He looked 
regretfully back to it, though without the least purpose 
of entering upon different terms of negotiation to those 
he had imposed upon his envoys. He knew there was 
no further chance, of a fresh diplomatic meeting, but he 
fell into the idea of attempting to obtain peace with 
recognition by setting his Generalissimo to work on Grant. 
Lee asked an interview with Grant for the purpose of 
arrangements for peace. Grant, however, with his im- 
perturbable common sense, acceded no interview, gave 
vent to no criticism on the suggestion, but simply for- 
warded it to Washington to the Secretary of War. Grant's 
telegraphic message reached the capital late on the night 
of March 3. It was the eve of President Lincoln's re- 
inauguration, and he and the members of his Cabinet 
were sitting up consulting in the ^ President's Room ' in 
the north ydng of the Capitol. Mr. Stanton, the Secre- 
tary of War, having received the message, informed the 
President of its contents, and there and then, a little 
before midnight, Mr. Lincoln — earnestly backed in his 
opinion by Stanton and Seward — wrote back that the 
request was to be refused ; Grant was on no account to 



Ch. XI. LINCOLN'S LAST INAUGUHAL. 897 



hold any political parley, but was to press to tlie utmost 
his military advantages."^" 

On the next day, President Lincoln delivered his in- 
augural address, which, very short for such a document, 
is perhaps a little long for these pages, but contains such 
noble and valuable expressions that it will be better to 
insert it : — 

^ Fellow-countrymen, — At this second appearance to 
take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occa- 
sion for an extended address than at the first. Then a 
statement somewhat in detail of the course to be pursued 
seemed very fitting and proper ; now, at the expiration of 
four years, during which public declarations have con- 
stantly been called forth concerning every point and 
phase of the great contest which still absorbs attention 
and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new 
could be presented. 

^ The progress of our arms, upon wdiich all else chiefly 
depends, is as well known to the public as to myself. It 
is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all, 
with a high hope for the future. No prediction in that 
regard is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to 
this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed 
to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to 
avoid it. While the inauo;ural address was beino- de- 
livered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the 
Union without war, the insurgent agents were in the city 
seeking to destroy it without war — to dissolve the Union 
and divide the effects — by negotiating. Both parties de- 
precated war ; but one of them would make war rather 
than let it perish, and war came. One-eighth of the 
whole population were coloured slaves ; not distributed 
generally over the Union, but located in the Southern 

* Barrett, L'fe of Abraham Lincoln. 



398 



GRANT'S C.OIP.UGN AGAIXSI EICHMOXD. 



Ch. XI. 



part. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful 
interest. All knew tlie interest would, somehow, cause 
war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest, 
was the object for which the insurgents would rend the 
Union by war, Avhile the Government claimed no right to 
do more than restrict the territorial enlargement of it. 
Xeither party expected the magnitude or duration which 
it has already attained ; neither anticipated that the cause 
of the conflict might cease even before the conflict itself 
should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph and a 
result less fundamental and astonishing. Both read the 
same Bible and pray to the same God. Each invokes His 
aid against the other. It may seem strange that any 
man should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wring- 
ino' bread from the sweat of other men's faces ; but let 
us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayer of both 
should not be answered ; and neither has been answered 
fully, for the Almighty has His own purposes. " Woe 
unto the world because of offences, for it must needs be 
that offence come ; but woe unto that man by whom the 
offence cometh I" If we shall suj^pose American slavery 
one of those offences which, in the providence of God, 
must needs come, but which, having continued through 
His appointed time. He now wills to remove, and that 
He gives to both Xorth and South this terrible war, as 
due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern 
that there is any departure from those divine attributes 
which believers in the living God always ascribe to Him ? 
Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty 
scourge of war may speedily pass away ; yet if it be God's 
will that it continue until the wealth piled by bondsmen 
by 250 years' unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until 
every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by 
another drawn by the sword, as was said 3,000 years ago. 



Ch. XI. 



DIS^LIY IN RICmiOND. 



399 



still it must be said that the judgments of the Lord are 
true and righteous. With malice towards noue, with 
charity for all, with firmuess in the right as God gives us 
to see the right, let us strive on to finish the Avork we are 
engaged in — to bind up the nation's wounds ; to care for 
him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow 
and orphans ; to do all which may achieve and cherish 
a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all 
nations.' 

This speech, both for its own merits and for the im- 
pressive consideration of the nearness of the President's 
death at the time when he delivered it, must rank as one 
of the most aifecting public documents in the English 
lano'uao'e. 

On the 17th — on the occasion of a captured Rebel flag 
being presented to him — Mr. Lincoln, after alluding in 
shrewd terms to the rumoured enrolment of negro troops 
by the Confederates — which he justly considered was more 
easily to be ordained than effected — concluded by saying, 
' We can now see the bottom of the enemy's resources. 
(Applause). I am rejoiced to see the end so near.' That 
end was indeed close at hand, and also the end of poor 
wearied Abraham Lincoln. That day a month forward 
he was in his coffin. 

President, statesmen, and generals in Richmond were 
now racking their brains to devise measures for meeting 
the crisis which was at hand. With dismay they saw that 
^ the great Anaconda scheme,' long ago vainly exulted in 
by the Xorth, long ago derided with some plausibility by 
the South, had at last become a visible and dangerous 
fact. Government, generalissimo, and effective armies, 
were all shut up within the limits of North Carolina and 
Virginia, and on every side a Federal army was piercing 
those two States, Johnston's forces, concentrating about 



400 GE ANT'S CAjMPATGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XI. 



Kaleigli, North Carolina, Avere now rising in nnmber to 
between 60,000 and 70,000 men. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, desertion set in among Hardee's troops, included in 
the estimate, and the diminution in his numbers before he 
could finally join his chief, Johnston, was considerable. 
The force with which Lee still showed a bold front at 
Petersburg and Richmond was much less than Johnston's, 
though composed in its entirety of better material. Its 
total was only about 45,000 men. Lee was now making 
an effort to extend his left still further beyond the 
Hatcher's Run position to the west, and what cavalry 
he had was posted a little north of Dinwiddle and south 
of the Southside Railroad. About February 25 General 
Lee determined in his own mind that Richmond would 
have to be evacuated. The question which then presented 
itself was, how it was to be done ? Directly he turned his 
attention to it he perceived how difficult an enterprise it 
would be, and day after day passed away without his 
being able to hit upon any plan containing good hopes of 
success. He quickly settled, however, what should be 
the new position which he would take up. On the line of 
the River Roanoke he could make a last stand; and 
Danville, a little town beyond just within the Virginian 
boundary, on a tributary of the Roanoke, could be the 
new seat of the Confederate Government. It is doubtful 
whether he fully imparted all this design to Mr. Davis 
as his settled determination. 

Tidings still poured in of additional perils for Richmond 
and additional complications of strategy for General Lee. 
From the Shenandoah Valley — so often the path by which 
Lee's army, or portions of it, had swept forward to attack 
the North — a Federal force now rushed into the region of 
the James River, immediately west of Richmond — the 
reoion which alone had never before been entered bv a 



Ch. XI. 



SHEEIDAN IN CENTEAL VIEGINIA. 



401 



raiding party — the side of Richmond from which it had 
till now been singnlarly exempt from menace. To give 
the perfecting touch to the operations of this force, General 
Sheridan reverted temporarily to the condition of a simple 
chief of horse, turning over the command in the Shenan- 
doah to General Hancock, whom Grant instructed to pro- 
ceed to Winchester for that purpose. With nearly 9,000 
cavalry. General Sheridan left AYlnchester on February 
27, and marched to Staunton (eighty miles) in three days, 
moving so sharply as to prevent the Confederates from 
destroying a bridge or two as feeble eiforts to obstruct 
him. On March 2 Sheridan came to blows with his 
enfeebled old opponent Early, and made short work ' of 
hun — the very shortest work conceivable. The action 
took place at Fishersville, near Waynesboro' ; Early had 
not quite 3,000 men. He distrusted them, and they dis- 
trusted him ; he planted them with a river close at their 
backs, so that they should be obliged to make a struggle. 
Sheridan's troops swooped down on them, and after a 
brief slaughter, in which only a dozen Federals fell, cap- 
tured almost the whole army. General Early, with a 
few men and Inferior officers, just managed to escape by 
ridlno; aside into the woods and fleelno; for their lives. 
This was Jubal Early's last defeat. At the end of March, 
public feellDg in Richmond and in the remnant of his 
command — two or three thousand scattered men — beino- 
against him, he was superseded. His health suddenly 
failing him, too, the unfortunate old Virginian rode off to 
his home, and lay there moodily meditating on the dan- 
o^ers and disasters which were accumulatino- on his State."^ 
There was no force at all, after Early's army was routed, 
to interfere with Sheridan's movements. For sixteen days 
his practised cavalry roved about all the region north of 

* Sheridan's Report. Early, Memoir. Lawloy, Last Six Daijs of Sccessia, 

D D 



402 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XL 



the James River, between Richmond and the Blue Ridge 
whence they had issued, at their pleasure. The chiefs 
first proceeding was to occupy Charlottesville, a noted 
, Virginian city, the seat of the State University, founded 
by Jefferson. Then separating his forces in three divi- 
sions of safe strength, he kept them constantly at work 
ill different routes. First, they raided south-west, to the 
neighbourhood of Lynchburg ; then they retraced their 
steps, and raided east to within twenty miles of Richmond. 
They encountered no opposition. All the people they 
met with were struck with amazement at their inroad in 
this long secure region. They did extensive destruction 
on the track of the railroad from Charlottesville to Lynch- 
buro;, on the ^ Viroinia Central ' from Charlottesville to 
Richmond, and damaged in various places the canal from 
Richmond to Lynchburg by the side of the James River. 
The original performance Sheridan had in view, however, 
failed. Grant had suggested to him that he should move 
due south right on to iN^orth Carolina, and there dexter- 
ously run into the camp of the ever-advancing Sherman. 
But this operation, which might have been rendered very 
difficult by some agile manoeuvring of Johnston's army, 
was not carried out, for incessant rain had at this period 
so swollen the James that Sheridan could find no means of 
crossing to the south bank, the bridges being all destroyed 
in time by the enemy. By this fortunate circumstance 
the Southside Railroad from Richmond to Lynchburg 
still remained intact for the Confederates. 

Sheridan fully appreciating the need there was now in 
Grant's policy for incessant, untiring action, to cripple 
still further the staggering Confederacy, resolved, as he 
could not proceed south, to pass on to the east, and round- 
ing Richmond by its north, present himself at Grant's 
side for fresh work immediately against Richmond. This 



Ch. XI. 



SHERIDAN IN CENTEAL A^EGINIA. 



403 



movement, of which the next chapter will show the happy- 
result, was accomplished with great success, despite a 
feeble effort made to intercept Sheridan's forces by a 
body which came out from Richmond, under Longstreet, 
on March 16 or 17. Sheridan had then just passed over 
the South Anna and by the old battle field of Ashland, 
where Stuart had fallen. Although passing within ten 
or eleven miles of Richmond, he evaded Longstreet's 
force, and finally arrived at Whitehouse, on the Pamun- 
key, on March 19. 

After this irruption of Sheridan's cavalry from the 
west had passed on, Richmond might flatter itself that no 
more attention was needful to that quarter ; General Lee 
now heard, however, that the powerful Federal infantry 
force still remainins; in the Shenandoah under Hancock 
was making ready to advance on Lynchburg ; and, still 
more ominous, though not so immediately harassing, that 
south-west Virginia was beginning to be occupied by a 
large force from Thomas's army. 



u\) 2 



404 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XIL 



CHAPTER XIL 

DESPERATE EFFORT OF GENERAL LEE. — ADVANCE OF GENERAL GRANT, — FALL 
OF RICHMOND. — SURRENDER OF LEE. 

' I AM rejoiced to see the end so near,' said, simply, 
Abraham Lincoln on March 17. About the 23rd he 
left Washington and steamed down the Chesapeake and 
lip the James to Grant's camp before Petersburg. The 
hour was come, and the man. Proud Richmond w^as to 
fall, and the President of the United States was come to 
take possession. - 

General Grant was sure now that Richmond was in 
his powder ; all he was anxious for was lest the great 
genius of Lee might carry away intact the army defend- 
ing it, and give him still long and costly work to do ere 
the war could be closed. Well, and as the event proved 
completely, as he had taken his measures to prevent this, 
the Lieutenant-General could not banish from his mind 
the vexing idea that, after all, there w^as a bare possibility 
that Lee might elude his grasp when Richmond should 
fall into it. ' At this time,' says the Report, ' the greatest 
source of uneasiness to me was the fear that the enemy 
wx/uld leave his strons; lines about Petersburg and Rich- 
mond for the purpose of uniting with Johnston before 
he was driven from them by battle, or I was prepared to 
make an effectual pursuit. ^ ^- -^^ I had spent 

days of anxiety lest each morning should bring the report 
that the enemy had retreated the night before. I was 



Ch. XII. GRANT'S DISPOSITIONS COMPLETE. 405 

firmly convinced that Sherman's crossing the Koanoke 
would be the signal for Lee to leave. With Johnston 
and him combined, a long, tedious and expensive cam- 
paign, consuming most of the summer, might become 
necessary/ 

The Lieutenant-General had now determined that he 
would do without Sherman's army in finally coping with 
Lee. Not from any jealousy of the brilliant fame recently 
acquired by his great subordinate did he decide thus ; but 
it was evident that Johnston had at last got together a 
considerable and improving army, and it was scarcely to 
be desired that Sherman should drive that on into Vir- 
ginia before Lee's army was secured. Each army, he 
decided, should finish its own work. Sherman's should 
wait awhile, and watch Johnston's movements ; his, the 
noble old Army of the Potomac, should close on its old 
antagonist, the Army of Virginia. Perhaps the moral 
fitness of the last idea had considerable weight with him ; 
he had acquired a strong feeling of sympathy for the 
Army of the Potomac, though only known to him during 
the fourth year, just running out, of the war ; he felt it 
due to the army that it should, by itself, alone, reach 
finally the goal for which, for four years, it had been 
struggling.* 

General Grant looked forward to some sudden anO. 
concentrated attack on his own lines, as the signal that 
the enemy was about to attempt evacuation. On March 
25 such an attack took place — as cleverly planned, as des- 
perately executed, as ever sortie was, but yet an utter 
failure. 

On the extreme north-east portion of Grant's lines the 
distance between his and the Confederate fortifications 
was very slight ; they being, for about three miles south 

* Grant's Eeport. Coffin, Four Years of Fighting. 



406 GEA^vT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICIBIOND. Ch. XII. 



of tlie River Appomattox^ only from 160 to 300 yards 
apart. Where this part of the lines was narrowest 
General Lee determined to make an assault, and hoped 
that the valour of his soldiers would so carry things as to 
allow of the development of the full consequences of a 
first surprise. He counted upon nothing now, probably, 
but he had planned grand and startling measures for fol- 
lowing up the first success, should that be achieved. Fort 
Steadman, about a mile and a half south of the Appo- 
mattox, was to be carried, then Fort Haskell on the right, 
and Fort M*^Gilvery on the left ; the latter being number 
one — the only fort north of Fort Steadman. Behind these 
there were not, as further south, rear entrenchments; 
should his storming party, therefore, master all three, 
Lee would send out more troops, and the whole would 
sweep on to City Point ; there they would capture por- 
tions, or the whole, of the vast stores of the Army of the 
Potomac, would compel Gi^ant to march his whole left 
flank back, and, if nothing adverse occurred, might finally 
enable the whole Confederate army to clear away for the 
Roanoke with increased supplies and vastly improved 
spirits. Such seems to have been the bold scheme, not 
depended upon, but fully sketched out, by the desperately 
encompassed and overpoweringly outnumbered Virginian 
chief. 

The o-reat current of desertion from the Confederate 
lines to Grant's camp has been spoken of, and also how it 
must have affected General Lee. He, or his executive 
officers, now saw in this habit an excellent way to open 
their attack. About 4.30 a.m., just after the Federal 
patrolling officer had visited the pickets in front of Fort 
Steadman, squads of Confederate soldiers stole over to the 
Federal line in the manner of deserters ; but on arriv- 
ing, instantly closed with the pickets, and overj)owered 



Ch. XII. 



FOET STEADMAN. 



407 



the wliole line. Immediately foUomng came a picked 
body of Confederates, and behind these the whole attack- 
ing force, three strong divisions led by General Gordon, 
of late the risino; man amono^ the Confederate warriors, 
and the associate as a corps commander of Longstreet 
and A. P. Hill. The guard in the trenches before Fort 
Steadman was overborne by the suddenness of the attack, 
and Fort Steadman and its garrison were captured. 
Forthwith the Confederates laid hands on the guns of the 
Fort and turned them on the surrounding Federal line, 
sweeping it both to right and left. Next they took a 
little battery to the left, and then, all in a breath, advanced 
to capture Fort Haskell, the strong work on their right 
which commanded Fort Steadman. Here their success 
failed. The troops in Fort Haskell repulsed them with 
heavy loss. The greater portion of Grant's army was 
now under arms ; there was no other portion of his line 
which could be surprised ; meanwhile Fort Haskell com- 
manded the position, and returned their fire with interest. 
A little later a strong body of Federals, under General 
Hartrauft, charged on Fort Steadman, and quickly and 
energetically repaired the disgrace of the daybreak. 
Driven out again, Gordon's divisions had to recross to 
the Petersburg defences under a terrible fire. They had 
displayed quite the old Confederate valour, but they 
were utterly worsted. Nor was this all. Ere the day 
closed. General Meade, under Grant's instructions, ordered 
a general advance, and the whole strongly entrenched 
picket line of the Confederates was captured and held. 
In the total fighting of this day Grant's loss amounted to 
2,034, of which about half, including 500 prisoners, was 
the result of Fort Steadman. On the other hand Lee 
had at last encountered a far heavier actual loss. When 
General Hartrauft retook Fort Steadman, 1,900 Con- 



408 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOND. Ch. XII. 



federates gave themselves up rather than face the terrible 
fire which their comrades suffered in recrossins^ to Lee's 
lines. In the capture of the entrenched picket line 700 
more were made prisoners, and adding to these the killed 
and wounded, Lee's total loss amounted to over 4,000.* 

Whilst this last desperate effort of Lee was being 
fought before Petersburg, Sheridan's magnificent body of 
cavalry, nearly 10,000 strong, was coming through the 
extreme right flank of Grant's line in front of E.ichmond 
(Army of the James); crossed the memorable Chicka- 
hominy, and rested on the banks of the James at Deep 
Bottom, the usual place of transit between Grant's right 
and left armies. On the 26th it moved over, through 
Bermuda Hundred, over the Appomattox, past the rear 
of the scene of conflict the day before, on to the extreme 
left of Grant's lines ; and as soon as it had taken position 
there the doom of Lee and his army might be said to be 
sealed. General Sheridan repaired personally to Grant's 
head-quarters at City Point for the day. There Mr. 
Lincoln was still the guest of the Lieutenant-General. 
He had been joined by Mr. Seward. 

On the morrow there was one more accession to the 
o'atherino; ofdistino-uished statesmen and o^enerals. General 
Sherman arrived, having voyaged round from Wilming- 
ton to City Point, with the utmost possible despatch, 
to have the advantage of a personal inter^dew with his 
chief His stay was of the briefest. Instantly a council 
of war was held, and Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, Meade, 
Ord, and Sheridan, deliberated on the shortest way of 
ending the rebellion, which was at last practically under 
their feet. Lincoln and Grant by themselves exchanged 

^' New York Herald, Times, Tribune, World. Granfs Bejjort. Meade's 
Eeport and Congratiilatory Order. Woodbury, Burnsido and the Ninth 
Corj)s, p. 476. Pollard, Lost Cause, p, 686. 



Ch. XII. 



SHERIDAN JOIXS GRANT. 



409 



opinions, perfectly coincident, as to bestowing very liberal 
treatment on all or any Rebel forces or officers surrender- 
ins; durino; the conflict about to commence. Grant en- 
ligliteued the others, and Sherman specially, on the military 
situation. A day or two before this General Grant had 
issued his instructions to his subordinates for the opera- 
tions wliich he felt sure would be the final struggle for 
Richmond. It is said that he openly expressed his opinion 
that Richmond would fall within ten days. 

These operations, not to be characterized as such great 
battles as those we have hitherto dealt with, must be 
related as succinctly as possible ; their minute details would 
prevent our obtaining a neat view of the striking and 
important incidents which marked in Richmond itself its 
complete conquest. The ability displayed in them by 
the Federals Avas rather that of gaining the very utmost 
advantages out of the battles than the mere fact of gain- 
ing advantage ; for the overpowering numbers employed 
against Lee precluded the possibility of his gaining a 
victory. The most he could hope for was to succeed in 
effecting a retreat. We shall see last of all how Grant 
balked him in this point also. 

On March 29 Grant's army was posted thus : from 
left to right — Sheridan (cavalry), Warren (5th corps), 
Humphreys (2nd), Ord (parts of 24th and 2oth), Wright 
(6th corps), Parke (9th corps). Sheridan, as the evening 
closed, had established his force, about 9,000 troopers 
altogether, at Dinwiddle Court-house, nearly twenty miles 
west of the town of Petersburg. Just north of it was 
the Confederate position of Five Forks, fortified and held 
since February, as their last effort to annul Grant's over- 
lapping policy, and retain the all-important Southside 
Railroad. The total of Grant's forces thus in line from 
the Appomattox bank below Petersburg, to Dinwiddie 



410 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOXD. Ch. XII. 



Court-house, must have been over 100,000 men. On 
the other side of the James remained still his other army, 
called after that name. A portion of this, under Ord, had 
come into the Potomac army lines for the final opera- 
tions. The remainder was left under the command of 
General Weitzel, and numbered still 20,000 to 30,000 
men. Its duty was to enter Richmond as soon as Lee 
should be driven out of Petersburg. Weitzel was to be 
circumspect in doing so, although no resistance or attack 
was apprehended. 

The part assigned to General Sheridan by his chief 
commander was to fight the enemy, should he assume that 
offensive policy which his massing troops on his right 
seemed to indicate ; but if the enemy should not do so, to 
' cut loose ' and rush on to the Southside and Danville Rail- 
road, which destroyed, the enemy's communications would 
be annihilated. Ere the 29th closed, however. General 
Grant seeing his line excellently established, modified this 
plan, determined to retain Sheridan's force as his extreme 
left, and attacking the enemy for a few days without cessa- 
tion on all points — ^ acting all together as one army ' — 
drive him out of his defences, force him to attempt a flight, 
fall upon him in the act, and so finish up the opponent 
who had so lono; defied him. The followino^ are his own 
words as to this plan, and the letter he sent to Sheridan : — 

^ Everything now looked favourable to the defeat of the 
enemy, and the capture of Petersburg and Richmond, if 
the proper efibrt was made. I therefore addressed the 
following communication to General Sheridan, having 
previously informed him, verbally, not to cut loose for 
the raid contemplated in his orders until he received 
notice from me to do so : — 



Ch. XII. 



GEANT'S FINAL INSTRUCTIONS. 



' " Gravelly Creek, March 29, I860. 

' " Geneeal : — Our line is now unbroken from the Ap- 
pomattox to Dinwiddie. We are all ready, however, to give 
up all, from the Jerusalem Plank Koad to Hatcher's Run, 
whenever the force can be used advantageously. After 
getting into line south of Hatcher's, we pushed forward to 
find the enemy's positions. General Griffin was attacked 
near where the Quaker Koad intersects the Boydton Road, 
but repulsed it easily, capturing about 100 men. Hum- 
phreys reached Dabney's Mill, and was pushing on when 
last heard from. 

' " I now feel like ending the matter, if it is possible to 
do so, before going back. I do not want you, therefore, 
to cut loose and go after the enemy's roads at present. 
In the morning push around the enemy if you can, and 
get on to his right rear. The movements of the enemy's 
cavalry may of course modify your action. We will act 
all together as one army here, until it is seen what can 
be done with the enemy. The signal officer at Cobb's 
Hill reported, at 11.30 a.m., that a cavalry column had 
passed that point from Richmond towards Petersburg, 
taking forty minutes to pass. 

' " U. S. Grant, Lieutenant- General. 

' " Major-General P. H. Sheridan." ' 

It was on the morning of the 31st that the final strug- 
gle between the Army of the Potomac and the Army of 
Northern Virginia fairly began. All day of the 30tli 
rain had fallen in torrents. Sheridan merely reconnoitred 
the Confederate position at Five Forks — it was very 
strong, fortified with logs and earth, and the approaches 
blocked with felled trees. IN^umerous rifle-pits fronted 
it all, and it Avas occupied by masses of troops. Warren 
and Humphreys advanced some slight distance further 



412 GRANT'S CA]\IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



north, to improve position. That was all which took place 
on the 30th. 

Battle of Five ForJcs (\st day), — On the morning of 
the 31st Sheridan's cavalry and Warren's 5th corps 
advanced simultaneously on the Confederate right — 
Slieridan taking for his share of the work the capture of 
the Five Fork's position, Warren the occupation of 
the White Oak Road, extending east from Five Forks, 
on which, as the connecting link of the Five Forks gar- 
rison with Petersburg, the Confederate troops were massed 
in heavy proportions, to the number it is supposed of 
15,000. Heavy they may be called as compared with those 
of the rest of Lee's lines, but they were not heavy enough 
to resist the strong force of the Federals converging on 
them from south-west and south-east. Fio-htins: with 
the same spirit as ever, it was yet a bootless game they 
played all day. As fast as one body of the Federals was 
repulsed the other returned. Thus, the first event of 
the day, the advance of Warren's corps from the south- 
east, resulted in a Confederate success. Deployed some- 
what injudiciously. Warren's divisions were repulsed from 
the White Oak Road, and forced back and pursued to the 
Boydton Road, which they came from. But whilst War- 
ren was being forced back, Sheridan's cavalry was at- 
tackins^ the Five Forks. The fortifications were actually 
penetrated, but Confederate infantry being hastily marched 
back from pursuing Warren, the Forks were sated for 
that time, and Sheridan's men had to beat a retreat. They 
were forced back towards where they came from — Din- 
widdle Court-house ; but here Sheridan, with ready 
generalship, using his cavalry, some in their denomina- 
tional capacity, some dismounted and roughly entrenched 
as infantry, checked all the eiforts of his pursuers, and 
inflicted on them a heavy loss at but slight loss to him- 



Gh. XII. 



FIVE FOEKS. 



413 



self,* Now again came in the consequences of the great 
odds combined against the Confederates, also the vigour 
and high spirit of the men representing those great odds. 
While Sheridan checked the Confederate pursuit and 
assault on Dinwiddie so skilfully, the repulsed 5th corps, 
reinforced by a division of the 2nd corps, renewed its 
effort of the morning, and meeting no efficient opposition 
— the men to make it being engaged with Sheridan — 
captured the line of the White Oak Road. Thus the 
day closed, with the Federals again in an advanced posi- 
tion. Sheridan rested for the night at Dinwiddie Court- 
house. His manao;ement had 2^iven General Grant o:reat 
satisfaction, and during the night he received from him 
authority placing Warren's corps entirely at his disposal 
for the decisive work of the morrow. Grant remained 
personally superintending the lines around Petersburg 
itself and westward to Hatcher's Run, getting all ready 
for closing on the city as soon as Sheridan should have 
accomplished the reduction of the Five Forks. Presi- 
dent Lincoln this evening began to telegraph to his 
people the progress of the operations which were to be 
the triumphant vindication of his rule and policy, sending 
olF a first message, at 8.30 p.m., to Mr. Stanton, Secretary 
of War at Washington. 

April \ {2nd day.) — It will be seen that Sheridan had 
one portion of Lee's army to himself — his cavalry and 
the 5th corps dealing with it, while to the east the main 
body of the Army of the Potomac still held within 
Petersburg the main body of Lee. The battle of the 
31st was therefore entirely a personal affair between 

■5!" ' Here General Sheridan displayed great generalship. Instead of re- 
treating with his whole command on the main army, to tell the story of 
superior forces encountered, he deployed his cavalry on foot, leaving only 
mounted men enough to take charge of the horses.' — Grant's Reiwrt, p. 39. 



414 GEAXT'S CAZMPAIGN AGAIXST RICHMOXD. Ch. XII. 



Lee's rio'ht and Grant's left. Grant sliowed his excel- 
lent judgment again in entrusting Sheridan with the 
entire operations of the left. That indefatigable young 
general now proposed to himself, as the work of the day, 
not only the occupation of the Forks, but the capture of 
the whole of the bulk of that portion of Lee's army 
which was confronting him. That portion of Lee's army 
was probably this day 18,000 strong, and comprised some 
of the best men, under Pickett and Bushrod Johnston. It 
had to depend entirely on itself, for Lee could send no 
more reinforcements, his main body (barely a main body) 
being but just sufficient to keep up a sentry line and fort 
garrisons in the defences extending from the Appomattox 
bank, east of Petersburg, to Hatcher's Run, eight or 
nine miles west of it. Lee remained personally in 
Petersburg. 

Sheridan's first plan for the day's work appears to have 
been the capture or destruction of his enemy in two 
portions ; first, the forces which still lay before him a 
little north of Dinwiddle ; secondly, the garrison re- 
maining at Five Forks. The first was to be effected, by 
adroit movements, by the 5th corps and his own cavalry 
force. He wrote o^'ernio'ht to Warren, ^ Attack at dav- 
light, anyhow, and I will make an effort to get the 
road this side of Adam's House ; and if I do, you can 
capture the whole of them. Do not fear my leaviug 
here. If the enemy remains, I shall fight at daylight.' 
This plan failed, partly it would appear from the slowness 
in moving of Warren's corps ; partly from the rapidity 
with which the Confederate troops, on the discovery of 
the danger, fell back on the Five Forks position. But 
Sheridan hotly pressed on the day's work, quickly de- 
vising new measures. By the middle of the day, moving 
north-westerly, he had all his cavalry round to the west 



Ch XII. 



FIVE FOEKS. 



415 



of Five Forks; meanwhile the 5th corj)S, with one 
division of cavahy under Mackenzie, freshly sent by 
Grant, was slowly moving up on the east. The Con- 
federates were thus betAveen two forces, each of which 
was too strong to be driven back — the 5th corps because 
it was as large as the total of Pickett's and Johnston's 
strength, the cavalry because of their fine spirits and 
condition and excellent leadership. The 5th corps, for 
some reasons not clearly explained, came very slowly on ; 
Sheridan, all on fire to get on with the work, rode over 
to it, and deeming the fault to rest with the commander, 
used the authority given him by Grant, removed Warren 
on the spot, and appointed Griffin, the senior division 
commander, to its head. Impressing on him the ne- 
cessity of demolishing the Confederate right before dark- 
ness, the 5th corps was now hurried up to the eastern flank 
of the Five Forks position. All this while Sheridan's own 
cavalry were waiting on the west of it, 9,000 strong ; 
three brigades dismounted ready for storming on that 
side, two mounted in order to take advantage of any 
contingency on removed points whither the speed of their 
horses might carry them. Some time after four o'clock 
the attack on Five Forks began. The 5th corps, with 
Griffin commanding, and Sheridan it would seem super- 
vising, * burst like a tornado ' on the left flank and the 
rear of the Confederate position. Immediately the attack 
seemed to spread all round. At the sound of the onset 
of the 5th corps, which they had been long listening for, 
the dismounted cavalry on the far side of the Five Forks 
attacked that flank and a portion of the centre. Alter- 
nately repulsed and attacking again, not a moment's 
respite was afforded the Confederates on either side. 
There was no possibility of forcing back the 5th corps on 
the east ; and though on the west the dismounted cavalry 



416 GEANT S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



several times staggered before the vigorous volleys of the 
guns the Confederates had there, they were so well 
managed by Sheridan's subordinates — Merritt, Custer 
and Deven — that they, too, came on incessantly till blue 
coats swarmed over the Confederate works at all points. 
General Sheridan was impetuous in urging all forward. 
^ Smash them, smash them 1 ' he cried, as the brave Vir- 
ginians were at last seen to stagger and give way before 
the furious rush made on them from right, left, and centre. 
They turned and fled wildly, endeavouring to retreat by 
the rear. Only partially did they succeed in this ; they 
had indeed been caught in the toils ; hundreds began to 
be taken prisoners. Meanwhile the Federals, with won- 
derful quickness, turned the guns of the fort upon the 
rest as they fled. Dusk was approaching, but Sheridan 
pressed his advantage Avith the greatest vigour. ^ I want 
the Southside Railroad,' he shouted ; ' we have our record 
to make before the sun goes down. On, on to the South- 
side Railroad ! ' 

All was achieved that the young commander desired 
and worked for. The whole of the Five Forks portion 
of Lee's army, comprising his best troops, was irrevocably 
routed. At least 5,500 were captured, about 3,000 had 
been killed or wounded ; the broken remnants rushed ofl* 
in dire confusion, pursued for several miles by Sheridan's 
cavalry, of which the ready-mounted brigades had dashed 
into them directly they were turned out of the Five 
Forks. They were prevented from taking any but a 
Avestwardly route, accordingly they fled by the River 
Road, away from Petersburg.* 

Here must be mentioned the plentiful testimony there 

* Gran t" s Beport. Sheridan's Report. New York newspapers. Pollard, 
Lost Cause. Lee and his Lieutenants (Pickett). Coffin, Four Years of 
Fighting. Townsend, Cam;paigns of a Non-Comhatant {1sq\y York, 1866). 



Ch. XII. 



VIGOUE OF GENERAL SHERIDAN. 



417 



is to the great personal gallantry General Warren dis- 
played while leading the 5th corps. At the same time 
it seems to have been with some justice that General 
Sheridan considered that his subordinate was not working 
his corps either well or with due speed even. 

Sheridan's losses in the battle of Five Forks appear to 
have been from 3,000 to 4,000. 

As the sun went down on April 1 Federal and Con- 
federate might each plainly perceive that the most serious 
change had been effected in Lee's array from its state of 
the mornino^. The whole of his extreme rio-ht had been 
severed from Lee ; some defences on Hatcher's Run were 
now the western term of his lines, at about ten or twelve 
miles west of Petersburg ; and where, five or six miles 
further on, Pickett and Johnston had stood in the morn- 
ing, Sheridan, with his cavalry, the 5 th corps, and a por- 
tion of the 2nd corps, was now posted, with the power of 
moving right on to the Appomattox bank. Grant had sent 
to Sheridan an additional division from the 2nd corps late 
in the evening, in order so to strengthen him in his 
position at the Five Forks and its vicinity that there 
might be no possibility of Lee's main body suddenly 
cutting its way out in that direction, after the fleeing 
forces of Pickett and Johnston. All day Grant's forces 
in front of Petersburg had menaced Lee's main body. In 
the vast combinations he had made thoroughly to finish 
his work, Grant found employment for every man of his 
army. The few soldiers left about City Point were noAv 
brought up, and, last of all, the Lieutenant-General sent 
a requisition for sailors from the fleet lying in the James, 
to come on to his lines, to guard the large number of 
prisoners captured and about to be captured. At ten 
o'clock at night, suddenly, in one grand crash, the whole 
of the cannon all along the lines opened with tremendous 

E E 



418 



G-EANT'S CATklPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



roar on tlie defences of Petersburg. It was tlie knell of 
the Confederacy beginning to toll. It was kept up till 
four o'clock in the morning of April 2. 

Sundaij. Evacuation of Richmond and Petersburg. — 
Then, Tvith the first dawn of that memorable day, the 
whole of the Army of the Potomac advanced, and in a 
brief time carried all before it. Everywhere the outer 
line of Lee's fortifications was carried — in three or four 
places a complete rent in them and an utter demolish- 
ment of the defending forces was effected. 

The 9th corps, under General Parke, attacked all along 
from the south-west front of Petersburg back to the 
eastern river bank, where the army made its arrival nine 
months before, and where its own Fort Steadman had so 
recently received the last Confederate attack. Wright's 
6th corps, and the portions of the 24th and 25th, led by 
Ord, carried all^ from the left of the 9th corps to 
Hatcher's Kun. Here, midway between the Eun and 
Petersburg, Wright gained the most important ad- 
vantage. He made a complete breach in the lines, and 
pushed right through on to the portion of the Southside 
Railroad before lihn, and the river Appomattox beyond it. 
This was doing, on a smaller scale, what Sheridan had ac- 
complished the day before. Lee's main body was now 
enclosed in a two or three miles' radius west from Peters- 
burg, while a portion of his troops was again shunted off 
to the left (westward). Wright and Ord addressed them- 
selves to tearing up the railroad, and entrenching their 
position on the immediate west flank of Petersburg, so 
that by 10.45 a.m. General Grant telegraphed to Presi- 
dent Lincoln, ^ Everything has been carried from the left 
of the 9th corps. e are now closing round the works 
of the line immediately enveloping Petersburg.' Wright 
had completely ov erborne and beaten the Confederates 



Ch. XIT. 



FIKIL ATTACK ON PETEESBUEG. 



419 



who had striven to oppose him. He captured nearly 
3,000 prisoners. Meanwhile the Confederate body, which 
he had severed from Petersburg while endeavouring to 
maintain itself at Sutherland's Station, a little further to 
the west, was attacked by overwhelming forces. Sheri- 
dan's cavalry, the 5th corps, and a portion of the 2nd 
corps, fell upon it from both flanks. It broke and fled, 
abandoning its guns ; also many prisoners, some of whom 
purposely lagged behind, and gave themselves up.^ 

By this time Parke's 9th corps was effectually in 
possession of the outer line of defences immediately in 
front of Petersburg. It had encountered harder work 
than the rest; and it was not till about 10.30 a.m., some 
time after Wright had become completely successful, that 
it accomplished all its task. Two Confederate forts, 
named Grregg and Mahone, situated in the centre of 
Petersburg's south front, at the point where the Jerusalem 
Plank Eoad used to enter the town before the siege, long 
baffled the men of the 9th corps. Fort Mahone, a work 
of three guns, was carried by a gallant rush ; but Gregg — 
a strong fort, with sally-ports, embrasures, holding six 
guns, and surrounded by a deep ditch — held out for nearly 
an hour after. Its garrison was only about 300 or 400 
men (Mississippians), but they were brave and desperate ; 
with them were two of Lee's veteran Generals, Heth 
and Wilcox ; and they kncAv that, though resistance might 
be fruitless to save the fort, the delay caused thereby 
would be of value to Lee and the main body of their 
army in the rear. The Federal 9th corps, however, 
animated, as all the Federal host was this day, by a well- 
founded belief that success generally was certain, re- 
doubled its efforts, and at last carried this trying obstacle. 
The greater part of the garrison fell in their brave 

^ Grant's Beport. Meade's Bcport. 



420 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



defence. For a little while there seemed now to be a 
chance that the Federals might actually enter Petersburg 
on the heels of the Confederate fugitives, from the outer 
line. Just before ten o'clock, however, some few thousand 
fresh troops arrived in the town from Richmond, under 
Longstreet, brought as hastily as possible in answer to an 
urgent summons of Lee, despatched during the night. 
Lee's able disposition of this reinforcement staved oif 
overwhelming disaster. One desperate attempt, indeed, 
was made to retake Fort Gregg, but this was completely 
repulsed. Lee then posted his forces so that by pre- 
serving the inner line (which had long been provisionally 
laid out), safety from attack till nightfall was secured."^ 

Just before Fort Gregg fell, while the smoke and flame 
rising about it told how fiercely that portion of the Con- 
federate line was assaulted. General A. P. Hill, conferring 
with his chief in the rear, saw, as Lee did, what a 
desperate emergency was coming upon them. He in- 
stantly sprang upon his horse, and dashed off from Lee's 
side, towards the threatened portion of the lines. As he 
was going through a ravine wholly deserted by Confede- 
rate troops, he suddenly came upon a detached squad of 
Federal soldiers, whose zeal had led them far on before 
their main body. Surprised, but by no means losing 
presence of mind, Hill called out to them to surrender ; 
but this stratagem, which had often before been practised 
with success by unsupported Confederate officers, had 
lost its virtue in the stage in which affairs now stood. 
The Federals levelled their pieces at him, and he fell, 
shot through the heart. f Thus, on the last day of 

^ Meade's Beport. "Woodbury, Bumside and the Ninth Corps. Headlej, 
Massachusetts in the Eebellion. Coffin, Four Years of Fighting. Pollard, 
Lee and his Lieutenants. 

t Pollard, Lee and his Lieutenants (A. P. Hill), p. 446. 



Ch. XII. 



DEATH OF A. P. HILL. 



421 



Petersburg's defence, fell the brave A. P. Hill, who had 
displayed valuable soldierly abilities all through its siege, 
and all through the three years of war before, from the 
first commencement. Always fighting in Virginia, and 
always acting as executive officer under Lee, he was but 
little inferior in merit to Longstreet, or Stonewall Jack- 
son, even. He had been in constant bad health for a 
year or two previous to his death, but had never given up 
the command of his corps. Not one military disgrace 
marked his career. Happy, in some respects, was he in 
his death, for it befell just wdien the final disaster was 
coming upon the cause he believed in. Jackson died in 
the midst of glory and success, and Stuart when the 
prospects of the Confederacy seemed comparatively fair ; 
but as Hill took his last glance around him, all looked 
black and dreary. The weary hopelessness of further 
struggle must have been revealed to him ; he must have 
felt that what seemed to him unfathomable disaster was 
coming upon his country ; and it is at such a time, if 
ever, that death — and sudden death — seems acceptable by 
comparison with the sorrows which present themselves as 
the conditions of life. 

A little while after Hill had rushed from Lee's side to 
meet his sudden death. General Lee arrived at a com- 
plete appreciation of the disaster to his defences — the 
thorough hold and power of penetration that General 
Grant at last possessed. He knew that he could give 
himself, in a military sense, no blame for what had oc- 
curred; he knew what had done it all — the forced ex- 
tension of his lines, with inadequate numbers to man them. 
Turning to Colonel Marshall, the officer who had long 
been specially attending him, he said in a calm voice, 
' Well, Colonel, it has happened as I told them it would 



422 GEANT'S CAIVIPAIGN AGAINST EICHIVIOND. Ch. XII. 

in Richmond; the line has been stretched until it has 
broken.'"^ 

All the army in Petersburg was now busily getting 
ready for evacuation in the night. Provisional measures 
for evacuation appear to have begun a few days before, 
yet it had not been counted on as likely to happen so 
soon. The troops, however, behaved admirably. General 
Lee devoted his Avhole energies to the getting off of his 
army. His wife and family he had resolved to leave in 
Richmond, knowing that the place would be well treated 
by the Federals when they should occupy it. Only for 
a little while in the evening did he attend to aught else 
but the process of evacuation. General Hill's body had 
been brought in, and Lee, his commander, with a few of 
his companions in arms, stood by while the burial service 
was hastily performed. 

As soon as darkness set in the Army of Virginia began 
to pass over the bridge to the north of the Appomattox, 
evacuating Petersburg, General Lee proposed to march 
as expeditiously as possible to Danville, on the Roanoke 
(140 miles to the south-west), by way of Amelia Court- 
house and Burkesville. At Amelia Court-house (thirty- 
live miles west) he had arranged for stores to be awaiting 
the army. Somewhere near thereto he would in all pro- 
bability be joined by the fugitive portion of Pickett's 
and Johnston's and the other severed divisions of his 
army. 

In the morning, between 11 and 12 o'clock. General 
Lee had sent a telegram to Richmond conveying the final 
bad news to the Confederate President. * My line is 
broken in three places,' he said, ^ and Richmond must be 
evacuated.' We will now follow that telegram, and watch 



^ PoUardj Lee and his Lieutenants. 



Ch. XII. 



EVACUATION OF PETEESBUEa. 



423 



the death throes of that city in its condition of capital of 
the Confederate States. 

(Richmond^ 11.30 a.m.) President Davis was in church. 
He had sent his wife and family out of Richmond for 
Danville three days before, as a precautionary measure ; 
but he had no idea that the end was yet close or certain. 
No message had come to him in the early morning. The 
furious cannonading of Petersburg the night before could 
not be heard in E-ichmond, and no alarming demonstra- 
tions were reported making by the Federal army of the 
James, in the immediate vicinity. He was in his accus- 
tomed place amidst the usual congregation in the St. Paul's 
Presbyterian Church. The service was proceeding quietly, 
when a messenger suddenly entered the church, made his 
way up the aisle, and placed in Mr. Davis's hands a sealed 
packet. Mr. Davis broke the seal, and read the message ; 
then he arose, and, under the eyes of the whole congrega- 
tion, left his pew and walked somewhat unsteadily out of 
the church. Agitated whisperings passed from mouth to 
mouth, and intuitively every one seemed possessed of the 
dreadful secret of the sealed despatch. The service was 
proceeded with, however ; but at the close the preacher. 
Dr. Minningerode, gave out that the local guards of the 
city were to assemble at once, and that there would be 
no afternoon service."^ 

(4 P.M.) The people of Richmond had not expected, 
in the early morning of this eventful Sunday, the doom 
which now suddenly revealed itself to them. Richmond 
was quite unprepared for the crowning disaster of war. 
The F. F. V. families residing in it were still desperately 
shutting their eyes to the state of affairs. As late as the 
beginning of March there had actually been a belief that 
the Confederate States were on the point of being recog- 

Bichnond during the War, p. 362. 



424 GEANT'S CA^IPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



nisecl by some European power. An extravagant rumour 
had run about that a special messenger of recognition 
had been despatched from France^ had landed on the 
Xorth Carolina shore, and was making his way to Rich- 
mond. 

OAving to the keeping back, or misrepresentation by 
the Government, of the messages from Petersburg, Rich- 
mond had for several days, while the final operations were 
going on there, remained in a strange state of ignorance 
as to their real character. The nature of the decisive 
blows striking at their ' back door ' was very erroneously 
comprehended by the Richmond populace. The two days' 
battle of Five Forks came to them only as indecisive and 
not materially important fighting. Mr. J. M. Daniells, 
of the ' Richmond Examiner,' died on the night of the 
1st, believing that Lee had gained some slight success, 
and with little thought that Richmond was to fall on the 
next day."^ 

The hours succeeding the morning service which Mr. 
Davis had so abruptly left, were therefore terrible hours 
for the inhabitants of Richmond. Many people very 
soon learnt that the city was to be evacuated. To the 
War Department and the Post-office enquirers came 
hastily, found their suspicions true, and went hastily back 
to their houses with tribulation in their countenances. 
Gradually the news has spread to every one, and by 
this time a multitude of visible tokens affirm the fact. 
Waggons come rattling through the streets, to the various 
Government offices, where the archives are brought out, 
and tumbled into them in the roughest manner. The 
banks are suddenly open ; directors have hastened to them 
to superintend the packing or securing of specie, valuables, 
and documents, and depositors enter and draw out their 

Pollard, Lost Cause. Ethel War Cleric's Diary. 



Ch. XII. 



EVACUATION OF EICHMOXD. 



425 



money. Hundreds of the citizens — almost all ayIio are 
people of social standing — desire to flee from the city ; for 
of all the cities of the South, Richmond, beleaguered 
lono-er than any, seems notTrithstandino- to have the least 
true appreciation of the moderate nature of its besiegers, 
who are now about to be its conquerors. As yet no signs 
of lawlessness appear, although the poor are already pick- 
ing up good rewards by helping to load or carry packages, 
or by finding vehicles and horses with which to escape. 
Meanwliile some people, too obscure or too sagacious to 
think of flight, are making the preparations at home 
which their fears suggest to them — secreting any valu- 
ables they possess. In several instances men dig holes 
in their gardens as the darkness comes on, in their uncer- 
tainty and fear as to what may happen. 

(8 P.M.) President Davis having hurriedly run through 
his house, destroying some papers, packing up others, 
and valuables, leaving the bulk of his furniture, but tak- 
ing with him his carriage and horses, for fear of intercep- 
tion by Federal cavalry, at last at eight o'clock takes his 
departure from his capital by special train for Danville. 

Crowds have assembled round the railway station, and 
in other public places and streets of the city — crowds of 
the poorest and roughest whites and negroes, slaves and 
free. They have seen the President depart, and now 
the remnant of army left in Pichmond is in order of 
march. Pichmoud will be abandoned to a lawless multi- 
tude of desperate, want-hardened poor. And then, after 
and above all, will come the Federals. Pichmond, there- 
fore, dreads the night which is at hand. Yerily, Pich- 
mond at last begins to rue the day when it abandoned its 
alleo^iance to the United States. 

In an obscure chamber of the capital the Mayor and a 
few members of the City Council meet and hastily dis- 



426 



GRANT'S CAlIPAIGiN AllAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



CUSS tlie best measures for exercising some control over 
the city during the night of confusion expected. They 
are in communication with the military authorities also, 
and serious trepidation fills their breasts at the rumours 
of certain intentions of General Ewell. Ewell is new in 
command in E^ichmond. Breckenridge is also in the 
city, proposing to remain till morning, and ride off with 
the last departing troops. But Ewell has orders to do 
some destruction before he leaves. The most sensible 
proceeding resolved on by the City Council is that all 
spirituous liquors be destroyed. Just as night falls this 
is attempted, but unfortunately fails in execution to a 
great extent. A most atrocious piece of mischief, how- 
ever, succeeds about this time. Some malicious persons, 
out of desire for a state of anarchy, or by order perhaps, 
cut the hose for extinguishing fire all over the city. 

(12 — MIDNIGHT.) An awful state of affairs has de- 
veloped itself. The poorer populace of Eichmond — the 
desperate from want, and the vicious by nature — are bent 
on regaling themselves this night at other people's ex- 
pense, since there is no longer a government to restrain 
them. They begin to break into shops, and private 
houses even, and fires begin to break out. Through 
alarm and terror, or curiosity, the guards of the State 
Penitentiary have fled from their posts, and numbers of 
lawless and desperate villains incarcerated there escape, 
join with the crowd, and, quickly comprehending the situ- 
ation, set the example and give the incitement of plunder 
and destruction. The mob has not yet got all the city to 
itself, however, for soldiers and Government employes 
are still at work getting off some more stores. Private 
persons of respectability also are still trying to get a place 
in the trains which are leaving, as fast as they can be 
sent off, for Danville, or in the canal packets which are 



Ch. XII. 



EVACUATION OF EICHMOND. 



427 



starting for Lynchburg. The former destination seems 
the favourite, but F. F. Y.'s are glad to go to the latter — 
anywhere, so that they get away from Richmond. Hun- 
dreds of Government waggons are still at the commis- 
sariat depots, loading bacon, flour, and whiskey, with 
which to follow the retreating army. They have almost 
to cut their way out as they drive off. A dense throng of 
famished citizens hans^ round the buildins^s, and await 
with eagerness a later hour, when they may bear down 
all opposition and enter to help themselves. A cascade 
of whiskey streams from the windows; the men lick it up 
from the gutters. Not till sunrise w^ere the doors thrown 
open to the populace — then they rushed in, with a vehe- 
mence almost sufficient to shake the building. 

(4 A.M. April 3.) The last train for Danville has de- 
parted, and still a disappointed crowd remains at the 
Railway Depot. What are its components to do ? All 
the members of the Government (save Breckenridge) 
were off by midnight, and now the Confederate troops 
are all moving off to the south-west. Meanwhile 
numbers of people decide on leaving by any means, 
and the roads leading v/est from Richmond are filled 
with fugitives on horseback, in all sorts, of vehicles, 
and on foot even. After the regiments cross the 
bridge over the James, a guard remains to prevent 
any individual slinking back. Meanwhile almost all 
the people of the poor suburb of Manchester, on the 
south side of the river, cross over to Richmond and 
join the plundering mob which is roaming about the 
streets of the city. The Mayor and Council at midnight, 
and after that hour, were still endeavouring to do their 
duty ; but little good fortune has attended their efforts. 
A deputation goes to General Ewell, and urges him to 
forego his intentions of destruction. They have learnt 



428 GEANT'S CAMPAiaN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



that the Government tobacco warehouses, four in 
number, are to be fired. The act Avill enclans^er the 
whole city, and they urge this on General Ewell ; but the 
grim veteran replies, with an oath, 'that he shall obey 
his instructions.' By whom these instructions were given 
is not clear. It has been urged, however, that Brecken- 
ridge, still remaining in the city, should have exercised 
his authority as Secretary of War to revoke them; for 
he dissented from Ewell, it is said, and shrank from the 
calamity which he divined, and which actually followed. 

What a scene now presents itself in this early morning 
of April 3. Richmond has become a Pandemonium. Fires 
are raging fiercely in Main Street, the Capitol Square, and 
all the eastern portion — the business portion of the city. 
The motley crowds — white working men, negroes, skulk- 
ing soldiers — are breaking into shops and private houses 
as they list, whilst in some instances opportunities of 
plunder present themselves in the open streets by be- 
wildered individuals bringing out goods for carrying off 
in flight. It will be well to call in here the words of an 
eye-witness to help the reader in the conception of the 
strange scene Kichmond presents Avhile still distant by a 
few brief hours from capture — that capture which would 
now be welcomed by many citizens as a relief from the 
ravages of its own population and some of its late defen- 
ders. Here is the experience of a Confederate soldier, 
who seems to have been entrusted with some special ser- 
vice during this memorable evacuation : — 

' As I passed the old market-house I met a tall fellow 
with both arms full of sticks of candy, dropping part of 
his sweet burden at every step. " Stranger," said he, 
" have you got a sweet tooth ? " I told him that I did not 
object to candy. Then go up to Antoni's and get 
your bellyful, and all for nothing ! " ' 



Ch. XII. 



EVACUATION OF EICHMOND. 



429 



A citizen passes him vrith an armful of hats and caps. 
' It is every man for himself, and the devil for us all to- 
night/ he says, as he rushes by."^ 

At 3 A.M. an awful explosion rends the air, and shakes 
Richmond to its foundations. It is the simultaneous 
blowing up of the three Confederate ironclads, ' Virginia,' 
' Fredericksburg,' and * Richmond,' lying a few miles 
down the river. 

In the city also the flames have reached the arsenal, 
and catch a great number of cars loaded with shells, 
which there has not been time enouo;h to have removed. 
These explode at intervals, with terrifying reverberations. 

Day breaks, but a dense cloud of smoke hangs like a 
pall over all the eastern portion of Richmond. Still the 
mob revel and plunder as they list. ^ About this hour, 
however,' relates the authoress of " Richmond during the 
War," ' a lady passed up Franklin Street, holding in her 
hand a small phial in which there was about a table- 
spoonful of paregoric. "This,", said she, "I have just 
purchased in Main Street, at 's drug store. Rich- 
mond is in flames, and yet for this spoonful of medicine 
for a sick servant I have had to pay five dollars." ' 

(6 A.M.) The death throe of the Confederate capital is 
fast coming on. Already a carriage is driving out of the 
city to the east, containing two or three gentlemen, the 
chief of whom may well be supposed to wear a peculiarly 
rueful aspect of countenance. It is Mayor Mayo going 
out to the Federal camp to surrender the city. On May 
16, 1862, while M'Clellan's army was menacing the city, 
Mr. Mayo, mayor then as now, had indulged in the 
avowal ' that he would never be a party to capitulation — 
the citizens would have to find another man to fill his 



* A Rebel Courier s Experience. 



430 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



place — lie would go into the ranks.' * ' When I said I 
would die a bachelor I did not think that I should live to 
be a married man,' said Benedick. We will think neither 
better nor worse of Mayor Mayo for his bombastic sen- 
tence of 1862. 

(7 A.M.) While the mob is still busy about the Main 
Street, and the fire still spreads and comes towards it ; 
while the abandoned Government stores still afford food 
and drink for many to gloat over ; while a few Confederate 
cavalrymen still linger and w^atch the scene — participate 
perhaps to some extent in the plundering, but forgot not 
to take o;lances ever and anon down towards the eastern 
extremity of the Main Street — suddenly the mob nearest 
that end separates and disperses, crying out, ' The Yan- 
kees are coming ! the Yankees are coming!' and steadily — 
very steadily at first- — there comes riding in a party of 
about forty Massachusetts cavalry, under Colonel Stevens. 
The Confederate troopers make off, the Union cavalry 
break into a trot, and, dashing up to the Capitol Square, 
unfurl in the centre of Richmond the flag of the United 
States. 

(8 A.M.) The mere sight of the stars and stripes flying, 
and the forty blue-coated men upholding it, is sufficient to 
tell the people that all is over; but soon Richmond hears 
the beat of the Federal drums, and the chorus of thou- 
sands of Federal voices singing songs of triumph. What 
a strange fortune is this which now presents itself I Look! 
Long lines of coloured cavalry are filing into Richmond 
— Richmond, the metropolis that was of slavery ! Hark 
to the strains that resound through the air. It is an old 
familiar tune to the people of Richmond, but they hear 
it with bitterness ; 'tis ' The Star Spangled Banner.' 
What is this that regiment after regiment is chanting ? 
^ Pollard, First Year of the War, p. 316. 



Ch. XII. 



ENTEY OF THE FEDEEALS. 



431 



This is not familiar to the people of Riclimond. Listen ! 
' Old Jolm Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave, 
but his soul is inarching on ! Glory, hallelujah, glory, 
hallelujah.' A new song also is sung, the words of which 
are specially descriptive of the extraordinary change now 
accomplished, viz., that the ' massa ' is running away 
while the ' darkey ' stays. 

Some Southern witnesses have represented the negro 
troops as marching into the city ' with savage shouts,' 
which were responded to by the negro inhabitants. The 
prejudice of the Southern witnesses seems to actuate them 
in this construing of the natural exultation of the Federal 
soldiers. What is certain is that the first operation the 
negro troops engaged in was one of great mercy to Rich- 
mond. The fire was still raging — was perhaps just attain- 
ing its highest pitch — as they entered. Immediately 
stacking their arms and laying aside their knapsacks, they 
sprang to the engines, worked in relays to bring up water, 
or tore down threatened buildino^s to arrest the ravages of 
the fire which Rebel authorities had kindled. 

Another creditable circumstance is related of the negro 
troops. Many people, with the women and children of 
the burning portion of the city, had sought refuge on the 
green sward of the Capitol Square. Three sides there 
were in fiames, which could not reach the people, but 
whose fierce breath and glare scorched them. With num- 
bers of these — white and coloured alike — the Federal sol- 
diers shared their rations, or even bought them things from 
the sutlers' stalls, which already Yankee camp-followers 
were setting up. 

The fire rages almost all this day, but at last is got 
under by the exertions of the Federal troops. All the 
banks were destroyed (Bank of Richmond, Traders' 
Bank, Bank of the Commonwealth, Farmers' Bank, &c.), 



432 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST RICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



several of the hotels (American, Columbian, &c.), two 
newspaper offices, the Confederate Government stores, 
the bridges, the State Court-house (a fine old building on 
the Capitol Square), the Mechanics' Institute, and at least 
one church. 

General Weitzel, the commander of the Army of the 
James, establishes his head-quarters at the Capitol. 
Guards are placed at various places about the city, where 
they may be of service in protecting the inhabitants. 
Thus a Federal soldier stands outside General Lee's 
house, where the general's family is still residing. 

(4 P.M.) What have we now? An expressive little 
incident truly. Here is Mr. C. C. Coffin, correspondent 
of the ^Boston Journal,' quietly entering Richmond, 
where. Abolitionist as he has always been, he might have 
run peril of his life till now if known. This enterprising 
Yankee was in Grant's camp yesterday, observing all the 
final fio'hting ; entered Petersburo; at the same time with 
General Grant himself, in the first dawn of the morning. 
Th6 explosion of the iron-clads at 3 a.m. had been so 
tremendous that it was heard in Grant's lines, and its 
meaning being well understood by the Federals, the 
troops advanced and quietly occupied Petersburg. After 
viewing that place, Mr. Coffin has come riding hard all 
the way from City Point, crossing the Appomattox and 
the James on the pontoon bridges, and on by the Varina 
and Newmarket roads, till he overtakes a division of 
Weitzel's army still marching on, and at the outskirts of 
Richmond. This faithful purveyor of facts for the press 
and the historian make his way on to the Capitol Square, 
and alighting at the Spottswood Hotel, asks, with unruffled 
but observant equanimity, if he can be accommodated 
with a room ? They tell him Yes ; they reckon that he 
can, if he will take his chance of being burnt out before 



Ch. XII. 



ENTEY OF THE EEDEEALS. 



433 



the morning. Any room in the house is at his disposal. 
Nobody is staying there I He enters, and signs his 
name in the guest-book in the line succeeding the signa- 
tures of a score or more of Eebel officers, who have left 
in the morning. 

Rambling into the Capitol building at an early hour on 
the morrow (April 4), Mr. Coffin encounters no less a 
person than Admiral Farragut, who had arrived in Rich- 
mond from Porter's fleet in the James, directly after the 
entry of Weitzel's army. Mr. Coffin — latest of all yet 
arrived from Petersburg — tells him of Grant's triumph 
there, and that Lee's shattered forces by this time are 
being actively pursued through the open country by 
Grant's magnificent army. ' Thank God it is about 
over,' says the Admiral, alluding to the rebellion. 

It was some hours after this that the last visible 
token requisite to attest the completeness of the con- 
quest of Richmond was given (1 p. M.); for a tall 
stranger came striding through the streets — a stranger, 
who, like Mr. Coffin, was an abolitionist — the greatest 
of all abolitionists — for he was the man who, seeing at 
last the way opened for him, had verily and indeed effected 
abolition. Amidst the deafening cheers of the Federal 
soldiers and a very few late Rebels, and the almost 
adoration of the coloured population of Richmond, Presi- 
dent Lincoln makes his way to the Capitol Square, and 
at last stands — triumphant and thankful, but still with a 
grave and careworn face — in the forum of the city which 
has so long defied his authority. Admiral Porter, and a 
few sailors from the steamer which had brought him up, 
were all the guard that accompanied Mr. Lincoln, and 
he led his little son by the hand as he walked along. 
Any man might have shot him that day ; but we may 
please ourselves by believing — since there is not the least 

r F 



434 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



evidence to the contrary — that no man then in conquered 
Richmond entertained the dastard thouo^ht of doing; so. 
For ten days longer Abraham Lincohi's life was spared ; 
for ten days longer he was permitted to enjoy the success 
which he had so toiled for, to receive still increasing 
evidence of its completeness, and to give a few brief 
but distinct hints of the mercy he projDosed to show to 
his crushed enemies. 

As President Lincoln moved throuo^h the streets, he 
carefully and cordially responded to the enthusiastic greet- 
ings of the negroes. He bowed as they cheered him — yes, 
in the streets of Richmond, the head of the State acknow- 
ledged the salutations of coloured men as he would those 
of white citizens. A white lady saw it from her window, 
and turned away her head with an air of ineffable disgust. 

Arrived at the Capitol Square, the President found 
that a splendid carriage had been prepared for him by 
General Weitzel, and presently he took a drive through 
all the principal streets of the western portion of Rich- 
mond. The neo^roes now ao^ain ran after him with wdld 
excitement, cheering vigorously. Inspired by the arrival 
of ' ^lassa Lincoln,' these poor long-degraded members 
of humanity had this day awakened to the vast change in 
their condition. They cheered heartily, heedless of what 
their late masters mio;ht think of it.* 

Mr. Lincoln visited the house which was so lately the 
habitation of Jefferson Davis — now the head-quarters of 
General Weitzel, the Capitol being only the general's 
business rendezvous. The President of the United 
States sat down for awhile in what had been the Rebel 
President's reception-room. Soon there was introduced 

Qo^n, Four Years of Firjhfing. HRynioiid. Life of Lw coin. BicTimond 
during the War. New York Newspapers. Pollard, Lost Cause. LeyLuiii, 
Fall of Eiehnond. Harpers Monthly, June, 1866. 



Ch. XII. PRESIDENT LINCOLN IN EICHMOND. 



4:35 



to him a prominent Kebel, wlio had stayed behind, 
not caring to follow the retreating Government — Judge 
Campbell — the same who had been one of the Southern 
trio of the memorable Hampton Roads conference. This 
tall old Virginian gentleman entered, looking pale, 
agitated, and depressed — he had long been filled with 
despondency, had long anticipated that the rebellion 
would come to the state which was now actually exem- 
plified to Mm. The President responded at once with 
dignity and cordiality to his ceremonious bow. 

Ere he left E-ichmond, President Lincoln visited the 
Libby prison, and gazed with deep emotion on the un- 
wholesome dungeon in wdiich so many of his soldiers had 
been confined. 

By a retribution natural to the course of events, but 
still striking, the Libby held, for a few days after 
this, several hundred Pebel prisoners. These had no 
such long and trying detention as its Federal occupants 
had suffered ; they were released wdien, in a ver}^ little 
while, it was seen that the rebellion w^as crushed. 

On the 6th President Lincoln paid another visit to 
Pichmond, and gave orders to Weitzel to allow the 
members of the late legislature of Virginia to meet. 
Then he departed for ever from the city 

Our goal is reached — Pichmond has fallen. Pemains 
only to be narrated the surrender of General Lee and 
his army. With that event, one short week after the 
capture of Pichmond, closed the whole war. Though a 
few Confederate organisations were under arms for six 
weeks thereafter, almost the last shots of war were those 
changed by the armies of Grant and Lee. 

' Good bye to the army of Northern Virginia,' wrote a 
newspaper correspondent on the morning of the 3rd of 
April, speaking of the Pebel organisation which was 

F F 2 



436 



GEANT'S CMIPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



fleeing from Petersburg as of one about to give up the 
ghost. The view of this gentleman was prophetic, but 
by no means singularly so, for Grant and all his subor- 
dinates were confident — as, with wonderful promptness, 
they began the pursuit — that, now they had gotten Lee's 
army in the open, away from its defences, the time 
would not be long distant when its capture or destruction 
would crown their efforts. It has already been inci- 
dentally mentioned that the explosion of the Confederate 
ironclads, and a few fortifications, at 3 A. M. of the 3rd, 
was distinctly felt at City Point and the lines before 
Petersburg (now close up to the city on all sides). The 
portion of the army then in front of Petersburg — for 
with the shortened lines the whole army was no longer 
investing the city — immediately advanced, and by a little 
before 4 a.m. the city was occupied. General Grant was 
in it very soon after. ^ Cool, calm, and evidently well 
pleased with the aspect of afiairs,' is the description given 
of his demeanour. After taking a brief glance round he 
retired, and put almost the whole army in motion to 
overtake Lee's retreating forces. 

Lee's main body was obliged to commence its march for 
Danville by proceeding west along the north bank of the 
Appomattox, being joined as it sped on in the morning of 
the 3rd by the rear-guard from Richmond, under Ewell, 
and also, it would appear, by the shattered troops which 
had escaped and fled west from Five Forks on the 1st, 
and from Hatcher's Pun (Sutherland Station) on the 2nd. 
The total strength thus formed is estimated by some 
writers as 35,000 men, by others as but a little over 
25,000. 

General Grant, on leaving Petersburg, moved the Army 
of the Potomac westward, along the south bank of the 
Appomattox, in three great bodies, all within supporting 



Ch. xn. 



THE PURSUIT OF LEE. 



437 



distance, and bent jointly and individuallj on heading 
and stopping Lee. There wei'e but two directions, the 
Lieutenant-Greneral saw, for the Rebel chieftain to take 
— west or south-west — Lynchburg or Danville. As the 
army took its first steps it met expressive evidences of 
the wavering condition of the forces of which it was in 
pursuit. All the houses passed on the roads for many 
miles west of Petersburg were found filled with wounded 
Confederate soldiers ; and large and small squads of sound 
men — stragglers — were overtaken pushing for their homes, 
reckless of further obedience to the Confederacy. These 
were made prisoners, nearly 2,000 being in this way 
picked up during the day's march on the 3rd. 

Of Grant's three grand divisions of pursuit, the one 
most ahead was composed, as might be expected, of 
Sheridan's cavalry and the 5th corps. After Sheridan, 
who was nearest the Appomattox, followed General 
Meade, with the 2nd and 6th corps ; while more to the 
south, along the Southside Railroad, went General Ord, 
with the 24th and 25th corps. With this last body rode 
General Grant himself. The greater portion of the 9th 
corps was to follow it in the afternoon of the Srd."^ 

On the evening of the 4th Sheridan's command arrived 
at Jettersville, forty miles west of Petersburg. Sheridan 
immediately after found, with mingled joy and apprehen- 
sion, that Lee's army was lying at Amelia Court-house, 
six miles to the north-east, and only thirty-six miles west 
of Petersburg. Sheridan, therefore, had headed Lee ; 
but his cavalry and the 5th corps were not quite equal to 
Lee's strength, and Sheridan perceived that there was 
great danger of his being driven out of the way if Lee at 
once desperately pursued his line of retreat. Determined 

* Grant's Despatches. Grant's Report. Meade's Beporf. Sheridan's 
Pi f port. With Sheridan in Lee's Last Campaign, by a Staff Officer. 



438 



GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICmiOXD. Ch XII. 



to do his utmost to obstruct that retreat, he immediately 
entrenched his forces, and waited anxiously for Meade to 
come up speedily, and put a sure stop to Lee's pro- 
gress. Xo such attack as Sheridan feared was made on 
him. The morning and afternoon of the 5th passed quietly, 
and in the evening ]Meade's forces came up and effected a 
junction ; whilst about the same time Ord's command 
reached the neighbourhood of Burkesville, ten miles south- 
west. Thus, by the evening of the 5th, the whole Army 
of the Potomac was on the Danville Railroad, barring 
Lee's progress towards that city. At 6 p.3i., just before 
reaching Burkesville with Ord, General Grant received a 
letter from Sheridan, sent to him post-haste across the 
country. He immediately turned and rode over to the 
position of Sheridan and Meade. 

What had caused the strange and ruinous delay of Lee 
during the morning and afternoon of the 5th ? General 
Sheridan, in his report, gives it as his opinion that then, 
and then only, after the evacuation of Richmond, Lee had 
a fair chance of escape. Had the Virginian chief, then, 
lost his cunning in war ? After the fearful material losses 
he had suffered, did the genius of Lee at last give way ? 
We are not to conclude so. Calm in spirit, and, as it 
seemed, physically unwearied, the Confederate war chief 
was still showing his accustomed military skill and manly 
daring, and appears to have proposed to himself to attempt 
the same bold svstem of marchino- and fio-htino' with which 
JSapoleon for two months baffled the overpowering force 
of the allies in 1814. But a singular misadventure, added 
to the general state of depression existing among his men, 
forced on him the fatal halt, and prevented his enacting 
any operation save a further desperate effort to fly out of 
the toils. The food Avhich the Army of Virginia had 
brouo-ht with it from Petersburo- and Richmond was 



Ch. XII. 



THE PUESUIT OF LEE. 



439 



only about sufficient for the day's march on the 3rcl ; and 
when it reached Amelia Court-house, Lee had calculated to 
find abundance, in accordance with the instructions he had 
sent for supplies to be located there some days before. 
What a disappointment met him when he arrived there on 
the morning of the 4th ! Not a single ration was there at 
Amelia Court-house. The orders he had given were either 
misconstrued in transmission, or, in the confusion of the 
fall of Richmond, wrongly executed ; and the railway 
trains from Danville, filled with supplies for Lee's re- 
treating army, ran tkrougli to help in the evacuation of 
Richmond ivithout unloading the stores at Amelia Court- 
house.^ 

During the whole of the 4th and 5th, therefore, Lee 
had to employ great part of his army — his best men— in 
foraging for food — a most difficult quest. On the morning 
of the 6th, finding that his unrelaxing pursuers were in 
full force in his front, he was obliged, with his men still 
half famished, to push on in urgent flight, and due west 
this time, along the Southside Railroad, for Lynchburg. 
Danville and a junction Avith Johnston's army were now 
unattainable, for Grant's three pursuing divisions blocked 
the road. 

With all the speed possible Lee now marched for 
Lynchburg (seventy miles to the west), but Grant fol- 
lowed fast on his rear and left flank. Grant had given 
orders for a general attack on the Confederate position at 
Amelia Court-house with daylight of the 6th, but before 
daylight the Army of Virginia was gone from there. Ere 
the day closed, however, it was caught up, and heavy 
blows dealt on it. Sheridan's cavalry dashing forward, cut 
into its rear at Sailor's Creek, six miles due north of 
Burkesvilie. Here a hot battle took place. Sheridan, 

* Pollard, Lost Cause. Lawley, Last Six Days of Secessia. 



UO aEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



with the quick and daring conception usual to him, by 
throAving forward the bulk of his cavalry force, succeeded 
in occupying the west bank of the Creek after the passage 
of Lee's main body, and before the arrival of the rear- 
guard, under Ewell ; then, by the prompt bringing up of 
the 6th corps (Wright) on the rear, which Sheridan person- 
ally superintended, the whole of this rearguard was in- 
volved so inextricably between cross fires — the fire of the 
infantry in the rear and that of the expert mounted rifle- 
men in the front — that, after further inefi'ectual resistance, 
it was captured almost in its entirety — nearly 6,000 
veteran soldiers, 14 pieces of artillery, and ammunition 
and supply waggons. General Ewell gloomily gave him- 
self up with it, also half a dozen subordinate generals, 
among them Brigadier G. W. Custis Lee, the eldest son 
of General Lee. 

Meanwhile, the pursuing di^dsion under Ord (24th 
and 25th corps and cavalry), moving north-west from 
Burkesville, had cut into the head of Lee's main body, 
and, although the advanced troops were sharply re- 
pulsed, with the loss of their leader — General Theodore 
Bead, the last officer of note to be slain — Ord, coming up 
with the remainder, comj^leted the delay which the first 
bold rush had miposed on the enemy. Both had to en- 
trench for the night, the disadvantage of which was all for 
Lee, for he was still forty-five or fifty miles from Lynch- 
burg, and his men were still in a state of semi-starvation. 
As the morning of the 7th dawned, all things looked ad- 
verse to Lee ; his army, reduced yet further in numbers 
and condition, had gained not a step beyond a bare keep- 
ing ahead of the Army of the Potomac. The plan of escape 
entertained on starting had been frustrated. Lee could 
not reach Danville and make a junction with Johnston, 



Ch. XII. 



GRANT WRITES TO LEE. 



441 



and by reaching Lynchburg only temporary safety could 
be secured. 

Grant, who saw all this with great contentment, and 
who knew that troops from the west of Lynchburg ( Shen- 
andoah and West Virginia) could soon make an advance 
on that city, and that Sherman, in accordance with a letter 
he had sent him on the 5th, would in a day or two be 
closing upon Johnston's army, now addressed to his great, 
but plainly overpowered enemy, a wise and courteous re- 
quest for his surrender. (April 7.) * The result of the 
last week,' he said, 'must convince you of the hope- 
lessness of further resistance To shift from my- 
self the responsibility of any further effusion of blood, I 
ask of you the surrender of that portion of the Confeder- 
ate armie':' known as the Army of Northern Virginia.' 
General Lee replied to this note the same day. ' Though 
not entirely of the opinion you express as to the hopeless- 
ness of further resistance on the part of the Army of 
Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid 
useless effusion of blood ; and therefore, before consider- 
ing your proposition, ask the terms you will offer on con- 
dition of its surrender.' 

On the morning of the 8th General Grant (who was 
then at the little village of Farmville, twenty miles 
west of Amelia Court-house) wrote to General Lee as 
follows : — 

'April 8, 1865. 

^ General, — Your note of last evening, in reply to mine 
of same date, asking the condition on which I will accept 
the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just 
received. In reply, I would say that, peace being my 
first desire, there is but one condition that I insist upon, 
viz. that the men surrendered shall be disqualified for 
taking up arms against the government of the United 



442 GEANT"S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



States until properly exchanged. I will meet you, or 
designate officers to meet any officers you may name, for 
the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon which 
the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia will be 
received. 

' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
' U. S. Grant, 
' Lieutenaut-General commanding 
Armies of the United States. 

' General E. E. Lee, 
' Commaiidii]g Confederate States' Army.' 

Duriug the 7th and 8th the two armies had kept up a 
keen race, though not a particularly swift one. Several 
times t]ie head of Grant's pursuing army succeeded in 
getting some active skirmishing with its poor breaking- 
down old antagonist. Grant's main body, under himself 
and Meade, was now, as was its prey, on the north of the 
Appomattox, w^hile Ord's force and Sheridan's cavalry 
were pushing along parallel on the south side. By the 
evening of the 8th both armies — all three bodies — were 
dra-wdng near to Appomattox Court-house, a little ^ towm ' 
of perhaps a dozen houses, but a genuine country capital, 
being of the average size as yet boasted by American 
county towns. It is about twenty-four miles east of 
Lynchburg. Less than thirty miles therefore remained for 
Lee's wearied army to traverse in order to reach the 
haven which men and commander hoped would give them 
safety for awhile. For General Lee, Avith what design 
is not quite clear to us, still clung desperately to the idea 
of planting himself in a fresh position, and showing 
further resistance. (8th.) At a late hour he received 
Grant's roughly-described terms of surrender. He wrote 
back a letter which indicates that he still deemed himself 



Ch. XII. 



LEE'S ANSWER. 



443 



strong. ^ I did not intend to propose the surrender of the 
Army of Northern Virginia,' he said, ' but to ask the 
terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do not think 
the emergency has arisen to call for its surrender. I 
cannot, therefore, meet you with a view to the surrender 
of the Army of Northern Virginia ; but, as far as your 
proposition may affect the Confederate States' forces 
under my command, and tend to the restoration of peace, 
I should be pleased to meet you at 10 a.m. to-morrow 
on the old stage-road to Kichmond, between the picquet- 
lines of the two armies.' On a careful perusal of these 
words, the suggestion for the meeting proposed by them 
seems so devoid of exactness that it is evident that the 
Southern chief was trying his hand at diplomatic ambi- 
guity and finesse — a line of action utterly foreign to his 
nature, and assumed on this occasion, probably, in the 
interests of bis men, in the hope of saving them from an 
immediate fight. But he failed at the outset either to 
obtain any negotiation of the kind he thought of, or any 
respite on such a basis. Again Grant, with firm sense, 
held by his instructions, and obtained his end. 

About the hour, probably, when Lee was writing 
' th?.t he did not think the emergency had arisen to call 
for the surrender of his army,' the emergency, unknoAvn 
to him, was just developing itself, and lie and his army 
had at last, to use the old Federal phrase, ' reached their 
last ditch.' 

Sheridan — the indefatio-able Sheridan — had ao^ain 
headed Lee. With his cavalry only — from 7,000 to 
9,000 men - he had reached Appomattox station, situated 
on the Avestern portion of that Southside Railroad which 
has been for some time so familiar to us. There, six 
miles south-west of Lee, he was in the same relative 
position to him as he had been in at Jettersville on the 



444 GEANT'S CA^NIPAiaX AGMNST EICHMOND. Ch. XIL 



5th. Great were the inflictions which Sheridan's fine 
cavahy were dealing out to the Rebel army. But for 
their speed now, four trains of supplies would have 
rejoiced and reinvigorated it on the morning of the 9th. 
These were lying ready at Appomattox Station; but just 
as Lee's vanguard moved on thither, on the evening of 
the 8th, from the neighbourhood of the Court-house, up 
came the Federal cavalry, from a march of twenty-five 
miles along the south bank of the Appomattox, seized the 
trains, and ran them away to the east towards the infantry 
force of Ord follomng in their rear, at the same time 
driving back the Confederate advanced divisions towards 
Appomattox Court-house. Then, with wise boldness, 
Sheridan resolved to hold Appomattox Station at all 
risks ; and, accordingly, lay entrenched there, with his 
9,000 troopers only, till, with the first break of the 
morning, Ord's infantry — urged by message to ' hurry 
up ' — arrived ; and Lee was fixed, just as Ewell had been, 
with a large force in his front opposing his progress, and 
a large force in his rear ready to close on him.* 

Sunday, April 9. — Very soon after sending off the 
letter last copied, probably. General Lee learned what 
untoward events had occurred in his front — that his 
troops had been repulsed on moving on the Appomattox 
Station. The sudden check there, though not by the 
calculations of reason a thing to be surprised at, did 
surprise, and, in the overwrought state of their feelings, 
terribly startle the men ; and at last, we may suspect, told 
on the firm temperament of Lee himself. He summoned 
a council of war in haste, and, about midnight probably, 

* SheridaTis Beport. With Sheridan in Lms Last Cam/paign. Major 
Sir Henry M. Have]ock has given a careful professional study of the opera- 
tions of the flight and pursuit of Lee. Three Maiii Military Questions of 
the Day (London, 1867). 



Ch. XII. 



LEE HEMMED IN. 



445 



deliberated, with Longstreet, Gordon, and his own nephew 
Fitzhugh Lee, on what could be done for the Army of 
Virginia in the desperate straits it was now in. Affecting 
it is to consider this last council of war sitting — the per- 
plexed chief and lieutenants of one of the noblest bodies 
of soldiers (viewed solely as such) that ever trod the 
earth — themselves of the highest eminence in all qualities 
of valour and military skill. Gordon, young and enthu- 
siastic, yet discreet withal ; Longstreet, in the prime of 
life, intrepid in fight, devoted entirely to the chief he had 
so long followed; Fitzhugh Lee, of jovial, humorous 
nature, talented and energetic in all cavalry work, but 
lacking now any good force to work with ; Lee himself, 
whom ail reverenced now in his adversity as they had 
when he had so oft led them to victory. After a con- 
siderable period of reflection these brave men came to a 
decision that, under certain conditions, one last effort 
should be made. With daylight Fitzhugh Lee and 
Gordon should endeavour to cut their way through the 
Federal force at Appomattox Station, and open an exit to 
Lynchburg for the whole army. But the conditions of 
this attack were thus resolved : that, if they encountered 
cavalry only, they should fight away against the fiercest 
opposition ; but, if they should find that cavalry backed 
by infantry, the attempt was to be abandoned, and the 
fate now so ominous submitted to. 

Just about midnight General Grant received the letter 
of Lee last copied and just referred to. In the early 
hours of the 9th he replied as follows : — 

'April 9, 1865. 

^ General, — Your note of yesterday is received. As I 
have no authority to treat on the subject of peace, the 
meeting proposed at 10 a.m. to-day could do no good. I 



446 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



will state, liowever, General, that I am equally anxious 
for peace with yourself, and the whole Xorth entertain 
the same feeling. The terms upon which peace can be 
had are well understood. By tlie South laying down their 
arms they will hasten that most desirable event, and save 
thousands of human lives and hundreds of millions of 
property not yet destro3''ed. 

^ Sincerely hoping that all our difficulties may be 
settled without the loss of another life, I subscribe myself, 
' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
' U. S. Grant, 
' Lieutenant- General U. S. armies.' 

After despatching this to General Lee, Grant rode 
away to the south-west, to cross the Appomattox and 
join Sheridan and Ord at Appomattox Station. Whilst 
on the Avay, however, he received, at 11.50 a.m., midway 
between ' Walker's Church ' and Appomattox Station, the 
following fresh letter from Lee : — 

'April 9, 1865. 

' General, — I received your note of this morning on 
the picquet-line, whither I had come to meet you and 
ascertain definitively what terms were embraced in your 
proposition of yesterday with reference to the surrender 
of this army. I now request an interview, in accordance 
with the offer contained in your letter of yesterday, for 
that purpose. 

' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

' E. E. Lee, 
' General C. S. armies.' 

General Grant wrote a note, stating where he was, and 
that he would await a little further to the front appoint- 
ment of place and time ; and with this note one of his 
officers. Colonel Babcock, rode off at once for General 



Ch. XII. 



THE LAST BLOWS. 



447 



Lee's camp, to arrange tlie interview wliicli was to give 
peace to America. 

Meanwhile the last blows of Grant's and Lee's combat 
were exchanging — were over, probably, by twelve o'clock 
— and the news that the end of the weary struggle was at 
hand was communicated to the officers of both armies, 
and was guessed at with intense delight by the men. 
The attack resolved on in Lee's final council of war was 
duly delivered (before Lee had received Grant's first 
letter of this day) ; Gordon and Fitzhugh Lee, with 
infantry and cavalry, struck out desperately against 
Sheridan's force, to clear the way to Lynchbiu'g. Almost 
as the fight began, however, Ord's infantry corps (oth, 
24th, and 25th) came up and formed behind Sheridan's 
cavalry. Had this effectual hindrance not arrived it 
seems little likely that Gordon and Lee wotild have 
succeeded in cutting their way on — Sheridan's resolve 
was as firm to obstruct as theirs to advance. ^Mien 
the Confederate chiefs perceived what they had to deal 
with, however, Gordon saw that he must beg a truce, 
with a view to surrender. Just as he was so decidins; he 
also received a message from his General-in-chief in the 
rear, saying that he was in treaty with Grant. A white 
flao' was now sent out to Sheridan's forces, which, finding; 
the Confederates waver in the attack, had begun to press 
confidently towards them. General Sheridan received it 
from one of his subordinates just as he was about to order 
a charge. He was without any message as yet from 
Grant, and could not, therefore, be certain that genuine 
negotiations were begun ; but, knowing their probability, 
and averse that any further lives should be lost, he 
immediately seized a white flag and rode forward himself 
towards the confused Confederate ranks. Just as he 
neared them the Confederate General AYilcox was gallop- 



448 GRANT'S CA:MPAIGX AGAINST EICHMOXD. Ch. XII. 

ing along to speak to General Gordon, under whom he 
was acting. Seeing the white flag, he stopped ; and he 
and Sheridan instantly recognised each other, for, curious 
to relate, the veteran Wilcox had been in former days a 
professor at West Point at the time when Sheridan was 
a pupil there. They saluted, but could not satisfy each 
other w^hether they were to cease fighting or not, for 
Wilcox knew nothing yet of surrender. Up came General 
Gordon, however, and certified Sheridan that there was 
no doubt Lee was even then at the front arranging for 
an interview with Grant. ' If that is the case,' said 
Sheridan, ^ we should arrest this affau' at once, and have 
no more people hurt.' Of course this was promptly 
done, and no more shots were exchanged by the armies 
of Grant and Lee.* 

Soon after this, both Sheridan and Gordon havino^ 
retired their troops, they themselves, with all the general 
officers acting with them, indulged in mutual introduction 
and an exchange of civilities — a rough al-fresco meeting 
which, by its frank and touching cordiality, beto^:ened 
well for the restoration of harmony in the preserved 
Union. None but general officers were allowed to pass 
the skirmish lines, but of them a large and brilliant 
cluster assembled midway between their respective armies. 
Then might be seen many of the foremost chiefs of the 
great war — grey and blue coat intermixed — with their 
good swords by their sides, with the tinge of battle still on 
their faces, conversing in the most amicable manner, 
lounging arm in arm even, or drinking healths in whiskey. 
All seemed to acknowledge with satisfaction that the war 
was at an end. The Federal officers of most note in this 
meeting w^ere Generals Ord, Sheridan, Custer, Merritt, 



* Pollard, Lee and his Lieutenants. LaT\iey, Last Six Days of Secessia. 



Ch. XII. 



APPOMATTOX COUET-HOUSE. 



Crook. Griffin, Avers, Bartlett, Chamberlain, and Forystli. 
Of the Confederates there were Longstreet, Gordon, 
Wilcox, Heth, and others. Ord and Sheridan were pre- 
sently summoned away to attend General Grant, but the 
rest chatted together for an hour or more. This scene took 
place between Appomattox Court-house and Appomattox 
Station, in the front of Lee's army. Of a somewhat similar 
character were the communications, later in the afternoon, 
between the officers of Lee's rear and those of the portion 
of Grant's armv foUowino- it under General Meade. 
That general — the victor of Gettysburg, and diligent 
second of Grant during the whole of Grant's campaign — 
rode into the Confederate camp soon after surrender was 
known to be a fact. Turning to a Confederate general, 
he observed, referring to the talk of some Confederate 
soldiers as he and his staff rode by, ^ Your troops are 
very complimentary to me ; they say I look like a rebel. ' 

^ Do you take that for a compliment ? ' said the 
Northern Virginia officer. 

' To be sure I do,' repKed General Meade ; ' any people 
who have shown the courage and spirit you have must 
have their admirers everywhere.' Thus, by kindness and 
suavity of manner, the successful Federal officers were 
already doing their best to instil sentiments of reconcili- 
ation in the men towards whom they had good grounds for 
entertainino' feelino-s of vindictiveness.* 

o o 

The memorable interview between Generals Grant and 
Lee took place at a little after 2 p.m., in the ^ town ' of 
Appomattox Court-house. The town, according to des- 
cription, had little indeed to recommend it for the scene 
of so great an event as the pacification of a continent. 
It might boast indeed its public building, the Court- 



Pollard, Lec and his Lieutenants. Richiaond Burivg the War. 
G G 



450 GRANT'S CAZMPAIGX AGAIXST EICIDIOND. Ch. XU. 



house, but it consisted solely of one street, and one end 
of that was boarded up to keep the cattle out. Such the 
little place upon which fame for centuries to come was 
suddenly thrust this Sunday afternoon, April 9, 1865. 
The best house in the street was lent for the occasion by 
its owner, Mr. Wilmer McLean. It is an old-fashioned 
structure, with a long verandah in its front, and a flight 
of steps leading up to the entrance thereon. 

General Lee arrived first, accompanied by Colonel 
Marshall and an orderly only. A few minutes after 
General Grant arrived, with Generals Ord and Sheridan, 
and several staff officers attending him and them. He 
went in accompanied by Colonels Babcock, Badeau, and 
Eli Parker (Chief of the Six Nations). Ord and Sheridan 
waited a while outside, till they too were summoned in, 
when they entered, as an eye-witness describes it, * walk- 
ing the floor silently, as people do Avho have the first peep 
at a baby.' 

The Federal oflicers had become imbued with a deep 
feeling of respect and sympathy for the lion-like foe 
whom they had at last hunted down. Sitting round the 
camp fire a night or two before. Grant himself had inti- 
mated to his staff officers the easy terms and courteous 
treatment he proposed to give to all surrendering Rebels, 
men and chiefs. * Though Rebels they were Americans, 
and his object was to restore them to the Union, not to 
degrade them.' 

When Grant went in General Lee was sitting in the 
parlour — a square room, carpeted, furnished with a sofa 
and centre table. Lee was 'got up,' as usual, with 
scrupulous nicety, in a new Confederate uniform, with 
lr>h riding-boots, and with a beautiful presentation sword 
bv his side. It was only on state occasions that he 
made a habit of wearing a sword. General Grant pre- 



Ch. XII. 



3IEETiy& OF AXD LEE. 



451 



sentecl somewhat of a contrast to Lee. He wore a ' sugar- 
loaf hatj almost peculiar to himself, a plain blue frock, 
unbuttoned and splashed with mud, but bearing the three 
silver stars on his shoulders, the insignia of his rank of 
Lieutenant- General ; dark blue pantaloons tucked into 
his boots, and no sword. 

Saluting cordially, the two generals were not long in 
proceeding to business. General Grant first apologised 
for not wearing his sword. In the hurry of the morning's 
work he had left it in the rear with his bao-n-ao'e. Lee 

CO o 

soon assenting to the liberal terms which Grant by word 
of mouth oiiered, the latter, taking a pencil and a sheet 
of paper, wrote as follows : — 

' Appomattox Court House, Va, 
'April 9, 1865. 

^ General, — In accordance with the substance of my 
letter to you on the 8th instant, I propose to receive the 
surrender of the Army of Xorthern Virginia on the 
following terms, to wit : — Rolls of all the officers and men 
to be made in duplicate ; the copy to be given to an 
officer designated by me, the other to be retained by such 
officers as vou mav desiomate. The officers to o-ive their 
individual paroles not to take up arms against the 
Government of the United States until properly ex- 
changed, and each company or regimental commander to 
sign a like parole for the men of his command. The 
arms, artillery, and public property, to be parked and 
stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me 
to receive them. This will not embrace the side-arms of 
the officers, nor their private horses or baggage. This 
done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to 
their homes, not to be disturbed by United States 
authority so long as they observe the parole, and the laws 

G G 2 



452 GEANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST EICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



in force where they may reside. — Very respectfully, your 
obedient servant, 

' U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. 

' General R. E. Lee.' 

General Lee then wrote out a formal reply, accepting 
the proposition : — 

* Head-quarters, Army of Northern Virginia, 
'April 9, 1865. 

* General, — I have received your letter of this date, 
containing the terms of surrender of the Army of 
Northern Virginia as proposed by you. As they are 
substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of 
the 8 th instant, they are accepted. I mil proceed to 
designate the proper officers to carry the stipulations into 
effect. — Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

' E. E. Lee, General. 

'Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant, 

' commanding United States' Armies.' 

The above two letters, as soon as composed, were fairly 
copied out by the aides, and at half-past three o'clock 
Generals Grant and Lee affixed their signatures. 

During the whole interview General Lee appeared 
calm and contemplative, to a degree bordering on taci- 
turnity, yet without the least air of reserve or mortifi- 
cation. After signing his letter, he remarked to Grant, 
in a suggestive tone, ^ Most of my cavalrymen own their 
horses.' 

' I think that the horses must be turned over to the 
United States,' said Grant. 

' I coincide in that opinion,' was Lee's rejoinder. 

' But,' said General Grant, ' I will instruct the officers 
who are appointed to carry out the capitulation to allo^v 



Ch. XII. 



SUREENDEE OF LEE. 



453 



those who own horses to take them home. They will 
need them to do their spring ploughing, and to till their 
farms.' 

' Allow me to express my thanks for such conside- 
ration and generosity on your part/ said General Lee, 
with emotion. ' It cannot fail of having a good effect.' 

The two Generals then arranged that each soldier of 
Lee's army should be given a certificate of parole, to 
prevent any inconvenience happening to them, from 
Federal or Confederate authorities, as they travelled to- 
wards their homes. 

Finally, as he was about to take leave of Grant, 
General Lee remarked, ' My army is short of rations, 
and I have a few hundred prisoners of yours.' 

General Sheridan spoke up : ^ I have rations for 25,000 
men ;' and General Grant immediately gave an order to 
supply Lee's whole army with such a meal as the men 
had not had for days. 

Thus terminated this remarkable interview — a bright 

o 

page in American history, and honourable in the extreme 
to General Grant."^ 

General Lee passed out of the house first, and from 
the verandah (where the expectant Federal officers were 
waiting) signalled to his orderly to bridle his horse. 
Whilst this w^as being done,' says the staff-officer with 
Sheridan, who has furnished us with his very interesting 
experience, ' whilst this was being done, he stood on the 
lowest step of the piazza (we had all risen respectfully as 
he passed down), and, looking over into the valley to- 
wards his army, smote his hands together several times in 
an absent sort of way, utterly unconscious of the people 

^ Coffin, Four Years of Fighting. Pollard, Lee and his Lieutenants. 
New York newspapers. Sketches of Colonel Lattershy. Harper''s Weekly., 
November 4, 1 865. 



454 



GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAIXST RICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



about him, and seeming to see nothing till his horse was 
led in front of him. As he stood there he appeared to be 
about sixty years of age, a tall, soldierly figure of a man, 
with a full grey beard, a new suit of grey clothes, a high 
felt hat with a cord, long buckskin gauntlets, high riding- 
boots, and a beautiful sword. He was all that our fancy 
had painted him, and he had the sympathy of us all as he 
rode away.' General Grant came out a few minutes after 
General Lee, just in time to exchange a second parting 
salute. This singular conqueror exhibited no change of 
countenance or manner ; not a muscle of his face seemed 
relaxed, and no one could have guessed by observing him 
that an event of extraordinarily joyful character had just 
been accomplished. 

"When General Lee returned to his own lines, his men 
crowded round him with frantic demonstrations of sym- 
pathy and affection. ' Men,' he said, ^ AVe have fought 
throuo'h the war together. I have done the best I could 
for you.' 

In his report, made about a hundred days after the 
surrender of Lee, General Grant thus alludes to the 
supreme results obtained by it : — 

' General Lee's orreat influence throuo:hout the whole 
South caused his example to be followed, and to-day 
the result is that the armies lately under his leadership 
are at their homes, desiring peace and quiet, and their 
arms are in the hands of our ordnance officers.' 

The total number of men which represented the Army 
of Xorthern Virginia, when paroled, was 28,078. Only 
about 22,000, however, showed up on the 12th — the day 
of receiving certificates. By that day Grant was at City 
Point, and on his way to AVashington, travelling back 
without stopping to take a look at Richmond — in which 
he did not actually set foot till some months later. 



Ch. XII. 



SUEEENDER OE LEE. 



455 



No details have I given the reader of the joy and ex- 
citement aroused in the Northern States by the fall of 
Richmond. They were great, and unparalleled in the 
history of America — unparalleled the world through, since 
the European delight in the month of July 1815. The 
telegram Grant sent off, announcing Lee's surrender, 
kept up the excitement, but scarcely added to it. 

Heavily fell the news on the people of the South. 
Through the length and breadth of Yirginia it spread in 
two or three days : to conquered Richmond, where it ex- 
tinguished all the hopes which a few people, sangui]g.e — 
and, it must be said, singularly absurd and ignorant — 
entertained, that Lee would yet conquer and redeem 
their State ; to Lynchburg, which had been expecting 
Lee, and which surrendered to a Federal scouting party 
on the lltli; to Danville, where, on the 6th, Jefferson 
Davis had issued a passionate proclamation, declaring his 
purpose to continue the war, and not abandon one State 
of the Confederacy, and whence, a day or two after, he 
crossed south into North Carolina ; to the guerilla general, 
Mosby, in the Shenandoah, who at first declared that he 
cared not for Lee's surrender, but would continue the 
fight, but whose men rapidly deserted him, till at last he 
had to give himself up alone ; to General Jubal Early, 
lying superseded, sick, and weary, in the region west of 
Lynchburg, still bitterly rejecting the idea that the Fede- 
rals should conquer his native State — Virginia. This 
last of the Confederates received the news in the eccentric 
manner characteristic of him. ^ Blow your horn, Gabriel ! ' 
he exclaimed, solemnly invoking the archangel, ^ Blow 
your horn, Gabriel ! It is time to die.'^ 

* Pollard, Lee and, his Lieutenants. In his Memoir we find General 
Early repeating the idea so vividly impressed on him : ' I received most 
unexpectedly the news of the surrender of General Lee's arm v. Without 



456 GRANT'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST RICHMOND. Ch. XII. 



The news reached General Sherman, in North Caro- 
Ima, by the evening of the 10th (by telegraph). ' Kebel 
armies are now the only points to strike at,' Grant had 
said to him in his letter of the 5th. Sherman now pushed 
back Johnston's army to the north-west, and on the 13th 
occupied Raleigh, the capital of North Carolina. It 
became apparent that Johnston w^ould soon have to 
surrender. 

In the far south-west Mobile was captured on the 12th 
by a Federal army, under General Canby, assisted by the 
fleet. The fortifications had given the Federals some 
desperate work to do for several days. The last fighting 
took place on the day of the surrender of Lee. 

With the exception of one petty fight, a month later, in 
Texas, the war was literally over on that day. All that 
the Federal crenerals had to do thenceforward was to ad- 
vance and occupy^, demand, and receive surrender. 

the slightest feeling of irreverence, I will say that the sound of the last 
tmmp would not have been more unwelcome to my ears.' — p. 129. 



THE UXIOX SAVED. 



457 



EPILOGUE. 

ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. — DISBANDMENT OF THE ARMY. 

* We will see how the ship will sail on the Democratic 
tack,' said Thomas JelFerson exultingly, when the United 
Stpvtes were first launched into the community of nations. 
In his latter years the staunch Republican who had 
drawn up the * Declaration of Independence,' and who 
was chosen to be the third President, formed, with 
solicitude, a prescient anticipation that a disruption of the 
Union into North and South would occur. The storm 
which he and others foresaw had burst, and for four 
years had raged terrific, but the good ship had weathered 
it bravely. Confidently the crew now cried that no injury 
of any consequence had been done to her. Rather was 
she lightened for good — for the great Republic was at 
last cleared of the staggering incubus of slavery. The 
storm had ceased, the heavens had cleared, and the ship 
was entering port ; but her Captain was never to land. 
He was struck down in full sight of the harbour, and in 
earshot of the cheering on shore, and the ringing of bells, 
and the congratulations of the captains of all other ships 
of state. Dead lay Lincoln in the midst of a blaze of 
triumph. All the world over men know the tale of the 
foul murder of the great American President. Only a 
brief description of it, therefore, will be necessary. 

After leaving Richmond on April 6, President Lincoln 



458 



DOWNFALL OF THE CONFEDEEACY. 



returned to Petersburg and City Point, en route for 
Wasliino^ton. It was expedient that he should hasten his 
return to his capital, for Mr. Seward (who had returned 
just before the fall of Kichmond) was thrown from his 
carriage and severely injured on the 5tli. But Mr. 
Lincoln first devoted one day to visiting the sick and 
wounded soldiers lying in the hospitals at City Point. 
(8th). He went round and shook hands with every one 
of them, up to the number of 6,000. ' It was like the 
visit of a father to his children,' we are told. To most he 
addressed some kind remark ; all were enthusiastically 
aroused by his visit. At one point noticing an axe, he 
took it up, with some pleasant observation about ^ his 
strong^ muscles,' and his ^ havino- once been considered a 
good wood-chopper.' He was invited to try his hand upon 
a log of wood, and at once proceeded to make the chips 
tiy in primitive Style. He told the soldiers that he 
thanked them all for the help they had given in winning 
the glorious victories of the Union.* 

Embarking at nightfall, Mr. Lincoln sailed up the 
Chesapeake and Potomac during th^ 9th, and by the eve- 
ning was safe at home again in Washington.! Late at 
night, an hour or two after he arrived, behold the joyful 

* Barrett, Life of Lincoln. F. Moore, Women of the War (Hartford, 
1866), p. 168. 

t The following is a description of Mr. Lincoln, just before leavins: City 
Point : — ' The President was on hoard the Eiver Queen, when later in the day 
onr party pulled alongside and requested an interview. Li a few minutes 
we had all shaken hands with " Csesar." Eocking in his easy chair, 
" Honest Abe " graciously received our compliments, expressed with a cheer- 
ful, though somewhat careworn countenance, his unfeigned happiness at the 
apparent speedy termination of a struggle so disastrous to both North and 
South. The conversation was interspersed throughout wdth that lively vein 
of wit and humour so peculiar to President Lincoln.' — Transatlantic Sketches, 
or Sixty Days in America (London, 1865), p. 32. 



LINCOLN'S EETUEN TO WASHINGTON. 



459 



telegram came to Mm from Grants announcing the sur- 
render of Lee. 

And now the heart of Abraham Lincohi was Lrhnfui 
of gladness. He who for four years had been first in 
power and first in care on the American continent, was 
now transformed into the man of greatest happiness. 
* This great trouble,' as he was accustomed to call the 
war, was vanishing utterly away from him. 

' AU was ended now, the hope, and the fear, and the sorrow, 
All the aching of heart, the restless unsatisfied lono;ing^ 
All the dull deep pain and the constant anguish of patience.' 

During exactly four years his Presidency had been 
one of war ; now there remained to him for certain three 
years and eleven months of peace, during which he could 
devote himself, in the words of his second inaugural, 
' To bind up the nation's wounds ; to care for him who 
had borne the battle, or for his widow and orphans ; to do 
all which might cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves, and with all nations.' 

While taking a carriage drive, either in the afternoon 
of the 10th or of the fatal 14th, Mrs. Lincohi noticed the 
altered appearance which the good news had wrought in 
her husband, and remarked to him how well and how 
lightsome he seemed. ^ And well I may be so, Mary,' 
the good man replied, for I consider that this day the 
war has come to an end.' 

Crowds of enthusiastic citizens surrounded the White 
House all day, as a visible congratulation to the Presi- 
dent. To satisfy them he made a short speech. Refer- 
rino' to the work of re-organisation which must soon be 
begun, he expressed himself as anxious not to make a 
mistake of policy. ^ If I make a mistake it does'n't 
merely afiect me or you, but the country. ' You have 
made no mistake yet,' shouted the crowd. 



460 



DOWNFALL OF THE COXFEDEEACY. 



Meamvhile a foul conspiracy against the President's 
life was developing itself. From half-a-dozen to a dozen 
persons were concerned in it. The original intention is 
thought to have been to abduct the President ; but now 
his life, and the lives of General Grant and the leading 
members of the Cabinet, were marked out to pay a 
penalty of success, and to give the South a chance of up- 
setting that success. 

J ohn Wilkes Booth — a Marylander by birth, a man of 
considerable talent as an actor, of bad moral character, 
and of the utmost bigotry in favour of the South and 
slavery — was at the head of the conspiracy.^ His prin- 
cipal subordinate was one Powell or Payne, a young 
man of fierce intrepid disposition, and of great personal 
strength. 

On the 11th President Lincoln delivered a lengthy 
speech — his last — ^on the problem of re-organising the 
Union. ' We meet this evening, not in sorrow but in 
gladness of heart,' he said ; and then, after expressing the 
indebtedness of the nation ^ to General Grant, his skilful 
officers, and brave men,' he went into some details as to 
wdiat he thought might be the best technical mode of re- 
organisation. They were somewhat vague ; and, as he 
said, he w^as. still considering his mode of action thereon. 

On the 13th General Grant arrived in Washington — 
his campaign ended. On the next morning, the fatal 
14th, the President breakfasted with his eldest son. 
Captain Robert Lincoln, and heard from him the full 
particulars of the manner of General Lee's surrender, 
wdiich he had witnessed as one of Grant's staflf. 

After breakfast the President received various public 

* New York newspapers. Baker, History of the United States Secret 
Service (Philadelphia, 1867). Poore, Co72spiracy Trial. Trial of the 
Assassins (Philadelphia, 1865). This contains some good outline portraits. 



LINCOLN'S LAST WOEDS. 



461 



men ; notably Mr. Colfax, Speaker of the House of 
Kepresentatives, who was about undertaking a tour to 
the far West. 

At 11 A.M. a Cabinet meeting w^as held, at w4]ich 
Grant was present. * The President w^as very cheerful 
and hopeful, and spoke very kindly of Lee and others of 
the Confederacy.'"^ 

It had been arranged that President Lincoln should be 
at Ford's Theatre in the evening of this day, and the 
manager had announced it, and also that Grant would be 
there — Grant, of whom all were now so desirous to get a 
sight. But the Lieutenant-General, desirous to be with 
his family — and feeling his old bashfulness of popular 
laudation come over him, perhaps — left Washington in the 
afternoon, for Burlington, New Jersey. 

President Lincoln, believing Grant was going to be at 
the theatre, had changed his own mind, and was not going ; 
but when he found that the Lieutenant-General had 2:one 
away instead, he resolved to go, as the people would be 
disappointed if neither he nor Grant were there. 

At 8.15 P.M. the President entered Ford's Theatre, 
with Mrs. Lincoln and two young friends, Major Path- 
bone and Miss Harris. As he entered, the audience gave 
enthusiastic cheers — the last he was ever to hear. The 
flag of the United States hung before the state box which 
he occupied. 

The play performing was ' Our American Cousin.' 
Several times the actors, inspired by the presence of the 
President, made interpolations, or ' gags,' apropos of the 
current events in which all were so interested. Notably 
it is said one of them introduced the President's well- 
known locution ' That reminds me of a little story,' and 

* Secretary Stanto?!'^ Bcsj-Xitch, 1.30 a.m., April 15, 1865, announcing 
the President's murder. 



462 



DOWNFALL OF THE CONFEDEEACY. 



Mr. Lincoln laughed audibly at the Miit.' Men said 
afterwards, however, that he seemed abstracted and 
sombre, even while much of the performance was going 
on, and once, without any apparent reason, he w^ent to 
the rear of his box and put on his overcoat. 

At 10.15 P.M., w^hile the third act of the play was per- 
forming, and only one actor was on the stage, John 
Wilkes Booth entered the President's box from the rear, 
and shot him through the head. The wound was mortal, 
and Lincoln became immediately unconscious ; his head 
dropped forward as he sat in his chair, and that was all. 
Wilkes Booth dropped his pistol, and sprang from the 
box on to the stage below. As he fell he seriously 
injured himself — by breaking a bone in his leg — but, up 
again in a moment, he ran across the stage like a demon, 
weaving a long dagger, and crying out * Sic semper 
tvrannis.' He made his way out by the rear of the 
theatre, where a horse was waiting for him. 

It was a strange scene that night in Ford's Theatre. 
The people rushed towards their poor President's box in 
awful excitement ; and there lay the wise and noble ruler 
of 30,000,000 of people, insensible, dying in the midst of 
his subjects. Blood and a portion of the brain were oozing 
out from the wound at the back of the head, just above 
and below the temporal bone. He was quickly removed 
to a private house opposite Ford's Theatre, and — with the 
surgeon-general of the army and other surgeons in at- 
tendance on him, surrounded by the members of his 
Cabinet and other distinguished persons, with his wife 
and his son Robert gazing from time to time in agony at 
their unconscious husband and father — at 7.22 a.m. of 
April 15, 1865, Abraham Lincoln breathed his last. 

Simultaneously mth the shooting of Lincoln, Booth's 
fellow-conspirator Payne had attacked Mr. Seward, the 



DEATH OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 



463 



Secretary of State. That gentleman lay ill in bed, not 
yet recovered from his accident of the 5th. The assassin,- 
pretending to have come from Mr. Seward's family 
doctor, hastened to the room where the Secretary lay 
with his daughter by his bedside, seriously wounded both 
the sons of Mr. Seward and an attendant who succes- 
sively strove to arrest him, and then endeavoured to kill 
the Secretary by repeatedly stabbing him about the throat 
and face. Owing to Mr. Seward's presence of mind in 
throwing himself half out of bed, his wounds did not 
prove mortal, but he lay for several days unconscious. 
The shock of this attack on her husband appears to have 
caused the death of Mrs. Seward, Avho died almost as 
soon as he recovered. Mr. Seward has not figured in 
these pages in the high proportions which his work during 
the war might well be made to illustrate. Next to Mr. 
Lincoln he probably is the statesman who deserved most 
of his country during the struggle Avith rebellion. His 
relation to Mr. Lincoln in the Cabinet resembled much 
that of Sherman to Grant in the field. For many days, 
while Mr. Seward began to grow convalescent, the know- 
ledge of Mr. Lincoln's death was kept from him, as all 
about him thought ; but he had divined it. ^ I knew he 
must be dead,' he said, when they at last alluded to it, 
' for he would have come to see me before this if he had 
been alive. '"^ 

The oaths of oflfice, as Mr. Lincoln's successor, were 
administered to Mr. Andrew Johnson, Vice-President, 
at 11 A.M. on April 15. General Grant arrived in 
Washington on the same day, hurried back from Bur- 
lington by the terrible news forwarded to him. 

One more difficulty for the preservers of the Union 
suddenly revealed itself two or three days after ; and its 

* Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, p. 231. 



464 



DO'WNFALL OF THE CONFEDERACY. 



happy arrangement illustrated again, in a striking manner. 
Grant's individual modesty and constitutional discretion. 

General Sherman — as erratic as he was talented — had 
thought to do good service by procuring the surrender of 
Johnston's army on very easy terms. In his desire to 
achieve it, and so extinguish the war, he had fallen into a 
course of impulsive action, which was, to say the least, 
very injudicious. Meeting General Johnston on the 17th, 
he sio-ned with him a memorandum as * basis of aoTee- 
ment' of a peculiar and nondescript character. It was 
rather a provision for disbandment than a surrender on 
Johnston's part, and the articles of the memorandimi, 
besides being as far as was possible more liberal than the 
terms of surrender given by Grant to Lee, touched on 
purely state matters such as Sherman — a military officer 
merely — was hardly warranted in entering upon. The 
United States Government would have been most seriously 
hampered in its policy by countenancing the document. 
President Johnson, advised by his Cabinet, by Grant, 
and especially by Mr. Stanton, promptly expressed his 
disapproval of it, and Grant was charged to proceed at 
once to Sherman's camp in Xorth Carolina, assume com- 
mand, and, after forty-eight hours' agreed notice, force 
Johnston to surrender. 

In executing this duty Grant had a most delicate task 
to perform. Sherman had, during six months past j)er- 
formed so great exploits, that he was almost the rival of 
the Lieutenant-General in military reputation. Xow 
was the opportunity in which a petty spirit might have 
sought to avenge itself on one which seemed to aspire to 
outshine it. Now, in effect, some of Sherman's enemies 
were quick to malign and degrade the brilliant general 
so lately praised by all. But Grant proved himself as 
modest and true in his behaviour to the friend in a false 



SURRENDEE OF JOHNSTON. 



465 



position as lie had to the foe conquered. Arriving at 
Raleigh on April 24, in the most unostentatious manner, 
he declined to take the official command of the army, which 
Sherman at once tendered, and kept himself so quiet 
during his stay that when, on the 26th, J ohnston, finding 
himself pressed again, visited Sherman to make a more 
conformable surrender, the Confederate general was en- 
tirely ignorant that Lieutenant-General Grant was in 
Sherman's camp. Grant had no desire to parade the 
supreme authority he held ; and, quietly telegraphing to 
the War Department that ' Johnston had surrendered to 
Sherman,' he immediately returned to Washington.^ 

(April 26.) The terms Johnston obtained were pre- 
cisely the same as those of the surrender of Lee. The 
number of men paroled was 37,106. 

Eight days after this all the Confederate organisations, 
from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, officially ceased to 
exist. (May 4.) General Richard Taylor — who appears 
to have succeeded to Hood's command — gave them up to 
General Canby, the captor of Mobile. The number was 
very large, but the forces were widely scattered. 

On May 1 1 Mr. Jefferson Davis, after a flight, day by 
day more perilous, through North and South Carolina, 
was captured by a party of Federal cavalry in the vicinity 
of Irwinsville, Georgia. He was conveyed to Fortress 
Monroe, where he was confined for about two years. 

At the same time that Mr. Davis was endeavouring to 
escape by flight, there was on the North American con'> 

* * General Grant left Ealeigh at 9 a.m. of the 27th, and I glory in the 
fact that during his three days' stay with me I did not detect in his lan- 
guage or manner one particle of abatement in the confidence, respect, and 
affection, that have existed between us through all the varied events of the 
past war ; and though we have honestly differed in opinion on other cases 
as well as this, still we respected each other's honest convictions.'~,Ste'- 
man\s Bcport (No. 4) from City Point, May 9, 1865. 

H H 



466 



DOWNFALL OF THE CONFEDEEACY. 



tinent another fugitive President, whose prospects, to 
superficial observers, might seem of the darkest. Benito 
Juarez, President of Mexico, had just at that period been 
chased by the French and Belgian supporters of the 
empire of Maximilian to the verge of the country, to the 
government of which he still staunchly maintained his 
right. For several months he and his government 
wandered from place to place about the Mexican terri- 
tory, just south of the United States boundary ; but, 
with true Indian tenacity of purpose, he always contrived 
to remain within the Mexican frontier, and to keep with 
him the nucleus of an army. A little over two years 
having elapsed, the greatest changes were wrought ; for 
the United States Government having, by Mr. Seward's 
vigorous diplomacy, enforced their persistent policy of 
discountenancing the occupation of Mexico by French 
troops, Maximilian's empire crumbled to pieces. The 
execution of the ill-fated Austrian Archduke unfortu- 
nately cast a dark stain on the recovered liberties of the 
people of Mexico. 

On May 26 General Kirby Smith, commanding the 
Federal troops in Texas and all the region west of the 
Mississippi, made surrender of them to General Canby. 
The number of men thus surrendered cannot be given 
with any accuracy, nor was a proper formal surrender 
carried out. The men dispersed incontinently, and General 
Smith fled to Mexico. 

After this there was no longer any Confederate organi- 
sation. The Confederate States ceased to exist. 

The rebellion being completely at an end, with greater 
rapidity even than it had been compounded did that vast 
machine of warfare, the Union Army, begin to uncoil 
itself. Immediately on his return to Washington, 
the day before Mr. Lincoln's assassination, the Lieu- 



SUREENDER OE KIEBY SMITH. 



467 



tenant-General had concerted with the President and 
Mr. Stanton prompt measures for cutting down war 
expenses. That same evening the Secretary of War 
telegraphed to New York, for the information of the 
nation at large, that it had been decided : — 

First. To stop all drafting and recruiting in the loyal 
States. 

Second. To curtail purchases of arms, ammunition, 
quartermaster's and commissary supplies, and to reduce 
the military establishment in its several branches. 

Third. To reduce the number of general and staff 
officers to the actual necessities of the service. 

Fourth. To remove all military restrictions upon trade 
and commerce, so far as might be consistent with public 
safety. 

The assassination of the President put a stop to all 
the rejoicings which were taking place, and no civil 
pageants but those of grief followed. It was felt, how- 
ever, that the army ought to have a public recognition 
made to it of its services ; and therefore, before the dis- 
bandment (which it was soon seen might safely be effected) 
took place, a grand review was held at Washington. 
During the two days of May 24 and 25 the Army of the 
Potomac and the army of General Sherman ^marched 
past ' in one continuous stream, from nine in the morning 
till six in the afternoon, i-eceiving the plaudits of the 
President, the Cabinet, the Lieutenant-General, and the 
thousands of citizens who for several days had been rush- 
ing into Washington from all parts to see the grand 
spectacle. The two armies thus marching in succession 
numbered 160,000 men; but the whole of the Army of 
the Potomac was not present. Such a review had never 
before been seen on the continent of America, and, it may 
well be hoped, may never be called forth by circumstances 



468 



DOWNFALL OF THE COis^FEDERACY. 



again ; for, as the men Avent hj, they were marching away 
into history. Immediately after the review clisbandment 
was actively proceeded with. 

On May 1, 1865, the United States Army had num- 
bered about 1,080,000 men, the highest total it ever 
reached. Three months later, by the beginning of 
August, upwards of 700,000 men had been ^mustered 
out,' and were resuming the occupations of civil life.* 

By the same time, also, the greater portion of some 
200,000 horses and mules used by the army were in 
process of s-ale by auction. General Grant had very 
early made a shrewd remark with regard to the animals : 
^ They are now idle, and eating their heads off. When 
they are sold to the farmers, in the South as well as in the 
Korth, they will support themselves and more too, in 
tilling the soil and moving the crops, and the thousands 
of men taking care of them will be relieved from duty.' 

During the year (from May 1864 to May 1865) the 
United States expenditure had been 1,200,000,000 dol- 
lars, or at the rate of 3,500,000 dollars daily. Directly 
Johnston's army surrendered, the government was en- 
abled to reduce the expenditure by a million dollars a 
day. 

With, for the number, extraordinarily few exceptions, 
the soldiers suddenly discharged fell with the most excel- 
lent spirit and alacrity into the labours of civil life. The 
occupations to which the discharged officers and generals 
betook themselves were various, and in many instances 
presented the most singular tranformations. 

' It has been my fortune to see the armies of both the 
east and west fight battles,' said the Lieutenant- General 
in concluding his report ; ' and from what I have seen I 

^- As I close this work (December, 1868), the statement is telegraphed 
that the total strength of the United States Army is only 48,000. 



aEANT AND HIS COUNTEY. 



469 



know there is no difference in their fighting qualities. 
All that it was possible for men to do in battle they have 
done. The western armies commenced their battles in 
the Mississippi valley, and received the final surrender of 
the principal army opposed to them in North Carolina. 
The armies of the east commenced their battles on the 
river from which the Army of the Potomac derived its 
name, and received the final surrender of their old an- 
tagonist at Appomattox Court-house, Virginia. The 
splendid achievements of each have nationalised our vic- 
tories, removed all sectional jealousies (of which we have, 
unfortunately, experienced too much), and the causes of 
crimination and recrimination that might have followed 
had either section failed in its duty. All have a proud 
record, and all sections can well congratulate themselves 
and each other for having done their full share in restoring 
the supremacy of law over every foot of territory belong- 
ing to the United States. Let them hope for perpetual 
peace and harmony with that enemy, whose manhood, 
however mistaken the cause, drew forth such herculean 
deeds of valour.' 

Of himself, what said the conqueror of Richmond ? — 
the man under whose leadership these victorious armies 
prospered ? 

' Whether my views and campaigns might have been 
better in conception and execution, is for the people who 
mourn the loss of friends fallen, and who have to pay the 
pecuniary cost, to say. All I can say is that what I have 
done has been done conscientiously, to the best of my 
ability, and in what I conceived to be for the best in- 
terests of the whole country.' 

America has given forth no uncertain voice as to the 
value of the work Grant did for her. She recognised in 
him, as all men must, a conscientious worker. By the 

I I 



470 DOWNFALL OF THE CONFEDEEACY. 

toil of his brain and body, and by the firmness of his 
resolve, he had accomplished the grand task entrusted to 
him. The Union was restored, and slavery abolished. The 
greatest reward possible was therefore due to him, and 
America has given it by choosing him to fill the chair of 
Abraham Lincoln, as the next elected President of the 
United States. 



XONDOW: PEIKTED BY 
SP0TTI9W00DE AND CO., NEW-STlt3ST SQI7AIiE 
AKD PAEL1AME»"T STf.KET 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1815. 

Just published, in 8vo. with Map, price 10s. 6d. 

WATEELOO LECTURES: 

A STUDY OF THE CAMPAIGH OF 1815. 

By LiEUT.-CoLONEL CHAELES C. CHESNEY, R.E. 

Late Professor of Military Art and History in the Staff College. 



' The short duration of the "Water- 
loo campaigTi, the simplicity of its strategy, 
and the decisive nature of its results, have 
caused its history to be adopted at the Staff 
College as a rudimental lesson in the study 
of military art. Colonel Chesney, who, 
until promoted to a superior rank, was the 
Professor of this subject at that Institution, 
has published to the world the lectures 
which he then delivered'to the students. In 
their compilation he has consulted aU the 
authorities on the subject, French, German, 
and English, and has produced a work of 
great value to the future historian and to 
the general reader. The work is extremely 
valuable The Staff College may cer- 
tainly be congratulated that such honest 
inquirers and brilliant writers as Colonel 
Cheskey and his predecessor, Colonel Ham- 
lEY, have filled its chair of history and 
pointed out the line for their successors to 
pursue.' Satukday Reyiew. 

' These lectures are eminently just 
in the distribution of discriminative criti- 
cism. Delivered to students of the military- 
art, they must be unusually interesting and 
useful to military readers ; they are never- 
theless so popular and untechnical that they 
are well adapted to instruct and please the 
larger audience of general readers. It is a 
great stoiy, told by a man who unites to a 
sound military understanding a good literary 
taste and an excellent power of expression.' 

London Review. 

' Colonel Chesney examines and 
balances with care the testimonies of the 
principal writers on his subject, and he 
brings a heavy charge against M. Thiers 
of perverting testimony, even Napoleon's 
own, to blacken honourable names,GK0UCHY, 

of course, being chiefly meant This 

sentence in itself will be sufficient to shew 
that Colonel Chesney has the courage to 



think for himself, and the skill to put 
his conclusions in nervous language. His 
work ought to become a military classic' 
United Service Magazine. 
' The volume contains the clearest, 
most authentic, and impartial account of 
those memorable four days, and is a com- 
plete answer to the meretricious romance 
for which Napoleon himself furnished most 
of the materials in his St. Helena After- 
thoughts, hoping that such figments would 
be accepted by the French for their national 
history.' Morning Post. 

' While every detail of the Battle of 
Waterloo has for the average Englishman a 
perennial interest, the student of military 
history is never weary of studying the stra- 
tegy of that wonderful four days' campaign, 
a campaign that well merits the attention 
which it has received. Compact in time, 
important in result, conducted by the chief 
generals of the world at the very prime of 
their reputation, and being, as it were, the 
finished result of the experience of twenty 
years' war, we may here, if anywhere, look 
to see skill, conduct, and forethought taking 
the place of blind chance, and to find the 
operations leading up, step by step, to a per- 
fect end. To the literature of this interest- 
ing subject Colonel Chesney has made a 
valuable contribution, and one which will 
well sustain the reputation which he acquired 
in the chair of Military History at the Staff 
College. Although the title seems to suggest 
a strictly professional work, Colonel Ches- 
ney's book deserves and will obtain the 
attention of others than those to whom it is 

more immediately addressed No one 

can read this book carefully without being 
struck with the different picture of the 
Waterloo campaign which it presents from 
that which is hung up in the gallery of 
popular imagination and national vanity.' 

Pall Mall Gazette. 



London : LONGMANS, GREEN, and CO. Paternoster Eow. 



NEW ILLUSTRATED WORK ON IRELAND. 



Second Edition, in One Volume, 8vo. price 21s. 

REALITIES OF lEISH LIFE. 

By W. STEUAET TEENCH, 

Land Agent in Ireland to the Marquess of Lansdowne, the Marquess of Bath, 
and Lord Digby. 

With Thirty Lithographic Illustrations from Original Drawings by 
the Author's Son, 

J. TOWNSEND TEENCH; 

Indicating the Territorial Possessions of the Ancient Princes, Lords, 
and Chiefs, from the Eleventh to the Seventeenth Century. 



The PAIil. MAlili GAZETTE. 

The appearance of this work is most opportune. It will help Englishmen 
to understand Ireland and the Irish better than tliey have ever done before, while sur- 
prising them into the conviction that hitherto their acquaintance with either has been almost 
nil. Mr. Trench's book differs from every other relating to Ireland which has ever come 
under our notice. It is not the production either of a traveller, or of a politician, or of a 
partisan of any cause or opinion, ecclesiastical or social, but of a native and a resident, of a 
gentleman whose life has been spent among his countrymen and in the most intimate rela- 
tions with all classes of them, especially the most numerous and depressed class, and whose 
avocations have led him down to the very heart of the great question of all in Ireland— 
namely, the land question. . . . It is impossible to read the work without gaining a clear 
conception alike of the causes which have brought about the wretchedness of Ireland and of 
the only measures by which that wretchedness can be efEectually relieved. 

The TIMES. 

This is certainly a remarkable book, and it distinguishes itself in the current 
literature of the Irish question by striking out a decided line of its own. Mr. Trench 
handles a subject essentially picturesque in a manner broadly sensational, at the same time 
preserving, as he assures us, the utmost fidelity of detail. . . . Those who care to hear of 
the pathos and himiour that blend so strangely in this strange people had better seek them 
for themselves in Mr. Trench's volume. The episodes of Mary Shea, Alic M'Mahon, and 
Patsy M'Dermot, remind one of Cari.eton's Traits and Stories of the Irish Peasantry, and 
these have the advantage of being avowed true to boot. But we cannot dismiss the book 
without noticing Mr. Trench's story of a seal-hunt in Kerry, one of the most thrilling inci- 
dents of sport we ever read — those with grizzly bears, man-eaters, or elephants not excepted. 
. . . The whole volume is brimful of action and excitement in one shape or another, from 
the first page to the last, and its spirited but very sensational illustrations are a fair index 
to the contents. Few strangers to Ireland will' finistt the book without having far more 
vivid impressions of the country and the people than they liad before ; and it is not often 
that we have information on a grave question of the day administered in so stimulating a 
form. 



London: LONGMANS and CO. Paternoster Eow. 



V 




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